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The Case for a Concert of Democracies

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As Ivo noted in his initial post for this debate, he and I have argued in the pages of the American Interest and elsewhere for the creation of a Concert of Democracies. To be convincing, the case for uniting the efforts of the world’s democracies needs to answer three threshhold questions: Do we need institutionalized forms of cooperation at all? Why shouldn’t we just strengthen and broaden existing institutions, especially the United Nations? What advantages would a Concert of Democracies offer over other kinds of cooperation? To get out debate started, here are quick responses to each question.

The question of whether we need more and better forms of institutionalized cooperation is the easiest to answer. Yes, we do. Anyone who thinks otherwise should reflect on what George W. Bush’s “my-way-or-the-highway” foreign policy achieved over the past 5+ years. In a globalizing world, problems don’t stay home; they cross borders. Even a country as powerful as the United States cannot make itself secure by procuring more guns, guards, and gates. At the same time, globalization means that our prosperity is increasingly tied up with the fates of others. These interactions bring a whole host of benefits. They also bring disputes over rules, rights, and responsibilities, disputes that ultimately need to be resolved.

So why not improve existing institutions? We should. But don’t get your hopes up that such reform efforts will be enough, especially when it comes to the UN. It is chic to blame the UN’s problems on the United States. Kofi Annan did just that today in a valdevictory speech in Harry Truman's hometown. But even if Washington were on its best behavior the UN would continue to disappoint its fans because what is touted as its great strength is also its great weakness, namely, the fact that it is a universal organization. The only characteristic common to its members is that they are all countries. They differ on every other dimension. Not surprisingly, the lowest common denominator almost always prevails in UN debates, and it is very low denominator indeed. It is why the organization has done so little on issues such as Darfur and North Korea. Inaction is what many of its members want.

But why a Concert of Democracies? One reason is effectiveness. Simply put, democracies possess the greatest capacity to shape global politics. They have the most potent militaries. (The 20 largest democracies account for three-quarters of all defense spending.) They dominate the global economy. (All but two of the world’s 30 largest economies are democracies.) They span the globe and come in different shapes and sizes--big and small, rich and poor, north and south, and strong and week. (A organization with members such as Botswana, Brazil, Costa Rica, India, Mauritius, the Philippines, and South Africa hardly looks to pit the West against the Rest.) And democracies—for all their differences and disagreements—have a proven track record of working together. (Just think of NATO or the EU.) If you want to make the world a better and safer place, you need to mobilize countries that can match word with deed.

A second reason is legitimacy. The UN is often presumed to have the monopoly on legitimacy because of the unspoken assumption that legitimacy is a function of numbers and Turtle Bay has the most. But numbers are only a part of the legitimacy equation and not even the most important part. Would anyone seriously argue that efforts to stop the slaughter in Darfur lack legitimacy because Sudan, China, Iran, Russia, and North Korea refuse to go along? Legitimacy also is a function of the nature of the action being performed and those doing the acting. On the latter score democracies have a standing than non-democracies don’t. They enjoy the legitimacy that comes from having been chosen by the people they represent and being responsible to them.

The third reason is that a Concert of Democracies would have important ripple effects. One, oddly enough, would be to increase the chances for thoroughgoing reform at the UN and other international organizations. As Ruth Wedgwood and Frank Fukyama have argued, competition isn’t just good for business; it’s also good for international institutions. Faced with a successful Concert of Democracies, the UN would need to adapt or become more irrelevant. Another ripple effect of the Concert of Democracies is that it would promote the cause of democratization. A more democratic world will be a safer world. But as we have learned yet again in Iraq, democracy is not something you push at people. It’s something you lure them toward. The very existence of a Concert of Democracies would stand as a strong incentive for countries to embrace competitive elections, safeguard individual rights, and uphold the rule of law.

A Concert of Democracies will not be easily built. It will not magically solve all our problems of global governance, or eliminate the need for other kinds of international institutions with different memberships. Democracies will continue to strike agreements with non-democracies when events and interests warrant. They will also argue among themselves over what to do and who should do it. Yet at the end of the day, finding a way to mobilize and coordinate the world’s democracies offers us our best hope of constructing the kind of world we would want to live in.


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James*, to be convincing, you must answer a totally different question:

name a goal or two for that Concert. Something specific, and, ideally, not overly related to our "national interest".

Another question was, what fundamental changes in our foreign policy would be required for the Concert to be meaningful. We can obstruct Concert as well as we can obstruct UN, if we put our mind to it. Given that Bolton is back on the job market, we could make him our Delegate to The Concert of Democracies.

-------------------
* I chose a democratic form of address.

Democracies sometimes have a proven track record of working together, as you suggest, but other times can work at cross purposes. France and the US on Iraq? India on Iran? On what issues, specficially, do you think a Concert of Democracies would be cohesive enough to be effective? Also, why would countries like Costa Rica want to join? The Concert would need to offer some club goods, presumably. Is the prestige of internationally recognized democratic legitimacy enough or should we also throw in some economic benefits, etc?

Hmm.... A scheme to include Latin America while eliminating Africa and those pesky states in the Middle East, with Russia a perennial "state of concern." Japan and India's presence will be crucial in order not to make the whole project seem like a white man's club. League of Nations, anyone?

We may have a ways to go before we get a Concert of Democracies; but just judging the way our national security experts deal with world problems we have right now a Symphony of Dopes (and not a moment too soon). What a silly, formal, vacuous approach. Neither the purpose ("further American interests") nor the methods ("all methods, and most especially military ones, are on the table") are discussed except Darfur and Rwanda are dusted off to justify the real goals. (While there have been some pressures applied at the UN to act on Darfur, if anyone thinks it equals efforts by the US to outlaw birth control, they are mistaken. Isn't this a project for our musicians?) As far as "democracies" are concernced, Kazakhstan may be out, but do not rule out too quickly the great democratic states of Jordan and Saudi Arabia. Venezuela, (at this point just about all of Latin America) and Iran, and Palestine will not make the cut. Our musician's seem to accept the Bush/neocon line that the world's peace and prosperity are threatened only by the UN's inability to act in concert; I am curious how much time these experts spent studying the problem say of a rogue nation (say, the US, for example) who determines their interests are best served by unilateral, pre-emptive aggression; how does the Concert of Democracies, better than the UN, stop this unacceptable behavior? Expulsion from the club? Presumably if the Concert of Democracies plays poodle like the Brits do, the Concert just goes on fiddling while the world burns. Witness Blair.

So your argument is that democracies should club together because they are democracies.

Question 1: Who is the gatekeeper? Who decides whose democracy is "legitimate", and whose is not? [Dumb question, I know, it's our club - we patented Democracy Inc. - so we'll decide.]

Question 2: What happens if there is an internal disagreement? Should all the club members just shut up because unity is of primary importance? I would find it hard to imagine a more anti-democratic orgnization if its effect was to stifle dissent.

Question 3: What incentive is there for a non-democracy to reform? China is everyone's best friend and it's not like we'll lift more than an eyebrow so long as they are hot-wiring their bottomless labor pool.

I understand that from the Democrat side there is some political urgency to seizing back the foreign policy / democratization agenda from Bush crazies, but honestly, you are approaching it in a way that is leading me to wonder whether I will hold you with the same contempt that I regard the Neocons.

I think we can all agree that Bush tore up the UN Charter (and with it, flouted recognized Interntaional Law) with his war of aggression, and it seems your solution to the consequences of this act is to pretend that what Bush tore up did not exist in the first place. My point is we don't need a new blueprint; perhaps instead we need a new attitude towards the obligations that we placed on ourselves within the original blueprint .

And I would finally make another point that the Greatest Generation understood - that economic ties will foster improved security. Truman got it - the Marshall Plan, anyone - and so did Churchill, an early advocate of the European Coal and Steel Community, the original framework for the EU. And frankly, until you produce a 21st century Marshall Plan, I won't believe you are serious about change.

So, Concert of Democracies, you say? To allow an institutionalized form of co-operation?

I kind of prefer voluntary co-operation as the need arises, and the right to disagree when we should. Kind of like the good old days when we valued diplomacy. Kind of like when we behaved as adults in the foreign policy arena. Kind of like when other nations respected us for being a democracy and much more besides.

From the most recent posts by Ivo and James I could not sort out why a concert of democracies was needed nor how it would be used, so I downloaded the source document which is, apparently, the final paper of the Princeton Project on National Security: Forging a World of Liberty Under Law.

The motivation for this proposal is set out in the following paragraph, which is the first time the idea of a Concert of Democracies is mentioned in the final paper.

“While pushing for reform of the United Nations and other major global institutions, the United States should work with its friends and allies to develop a global “Concert of Democracies” – a new institution designed to strengthen security cooperation among the world’s liberal democracies. This Concert would institutionalize and ratify the ‘democratic peace.’ If the United Nations cannot be reformed, the Concert would provide an alternative forum for liberal democracies to authorize collective action, including the use of force [emphasis added], by a supermajority vote. Its membership would be selective, but self-selected. Members would have to pledge not to use or plan to use force against one another; commit to holding multiparty, free-and-fair elections at regular intervals; guarantee civil and political rights for their citizens enforceable by an independent judiciary; and accept the responsibility to protect.”

It is instructive that the only specific action on the world stage envisioned for the Concert is to supplant the UN as the arbiter of military force. Later in the document, in the Charter for a Concert of Democracies, only one additional use is proposed, the soft goal of promoting liberal democracy as a model of government.

If we agree that the problem is that the UN does not afford sufficient opportunity for the application of military force by the liberal democracies of the world against those nations that are not members of our club, perhaps the Concert of Democracies is the solution.

Why is it posters for America Abroad all sound like clones of one another? All of them, apostles of imperialism-with-a-smile, post their latest ideas here, only to see them torn to shreds in the comments.

Can't Lindsay/Daalder/Jentleson/Ikenberry/Slaughter/Kleinfeld/Wilson elect one spokesperson for the group so we don't have to be served the same dish 7 times with a different sauce.

Now that the US has been shown (again) not to be the superpower it thinks it is those who are unwilling to recognize this fact come up with a new plan. Let's rope in some other countries to help us pursue our imperialist agenda. We can offer them bribes in the form of part of the spoils as we continue to rip off developing countries for their raw materials and forcibly open their markets to our exports.

Who knows, it might even work. Gangs of thieves have some successes before they inevitably turn on each other. Obviously this is a plan to circumvent those who oppose our plans. The UN is too democratic and NATO is too cautious. When will the neo-liberals wake up to the fact that the days of the American empire are over. We can no longer muscle our way to what we want. We haven't won a single major conflict since the end of WWII. We can blow things up, but we still can't make them give us their oil fields.

The US has to start on a path for a sustainable economic model which does not depend upon consuming raw materials at the present rate. This is not "energy independence", this is transforming from runaway consumerism and senseless growth to a society which can live within its means. Today's NY Times has an article summarizing the issues with CO2 emissions. The scenarios they present project a worldwide doubling of energy use and a substantial rise in the level of CO2 by 2100 even in the best case. This is a recipe for disaster.

Another study out today says that within 30 years the polar icecaps will disappear in the summer. This will lead to an even faster rise in global temperatures as the bright ice will be replaced by dark water. To rework a statement from another era:

SUV owners of the World, Unite. You have nothing to lose but your chains!

--- Policies not Politics
Daily Landscape

"The UN is too democratic and NATO is too cautious." The latter is a pertinent observation here. If Europe isn't doing the job of assisting us properly, which democracies exactly do these guys have in mind? Maybe more of the coalition of the willing? 

The idea that such a group would force the UN to reform itself also seems odd, a bit like the libertarian fantasy that competition stimulates the poor to become middle class. It must have been the shame at seeing NATO go without them into Bosnia that made the UN act sensibly in pressing us to do something in Darfur and to wait for inspections in Iraq. Well, of course not, but maybe if we could convince these liberal imperialists that it were the case, we might have had a better foreign policy.

John

http://www.haberarts.com/

As I commented in Ivo's post, I think the failed neocon projects in Afganistan and Iraq have shown the limitations of military power in "influencing" the world. Yes, we need effective alliances to defend ourselves. Yes, we need some mechanism for threatening rogue nations. But invading other countries that are not directly threatening us does not really work. 

I see globalization as a far more effective means of "influencing" the world. I would like to see reform in the WTO, IMF, and World Bank. These are Western institutions, free of "lowest common denominator" problem you get in the UN. In other words, they can be reformed.  The West should leverage its economic power to force the world's nations to educate their people, use cleaner technologies, and adopt progressive principles.   In return, the world's nations get money and a place at the trading table.

As things stand, the WTO, IMF and World Bank do not do these things.  There are not enough environmental strings attached to IMF loans.  There could be.  There are not enough labor or human rights strings attached to WTO membership.  There could be.  If a Democratic White House sat down with the leaders of the European Union and said: this is what these organizations should require, it would happen.  Unlike the UN, the West controls these institutions. 

The Concert of Democracies idea seems to argue for all the things I advocate for above, with the "added bonus" of military alliances.  And you know what, it might be a good long term goal.  I'm certainly receptive to the idea, since rogue nations and international military disputes aren't going away.  But why run before we can walk?  Reform the economic institutions that already exist...because it is easier and because it would accomplish so many of the goals you are advocating for.  Personally, I think global warming is the perfect wedge issue to drive through all kinds of reforms in these institutions.  

I agree with Red Planet here. If the real purpose of the Concert of Democracies is to create an alternative means of using collective force, outside of the UN Security Counsel, then say that.  We know, for example, that Kofi Annan advocates expanding the Security Counsel.  Do Concert for Democracies advocates think this is a good idea?   A bad idea?  Let's not talk generically about the need for "UN reform."  What are the specific problems with the UN with respect to the collective use of military force.  What are the problems with the Security Counsel - which, after all, is the existing mechanism for the use of collective force.

Let's talk about why the Security Counsel if not an effective means of authorizing the collective use of force.  Let's talk about how the Concert of Democracies would improve on the Security Counsel, and under what circumstances the Concert of Democracies would approve the use of force where the Security Counsel would not. 

But here's what we shouldn't do: let's not talk about the Concert of Democracies as a club that other nations will strive to get into.  Let's not talk about the economic influence the Concert of Democracies will wield.  Let's not talk about the generic ideals of the Concert of Democracies.  This idea is about the collective use of military force, not a country club membership.  Why is this needed?  Why is the UN Security Counsel insufficient?  How would it improve on the Security Counsel?  And most importantly, under what circumstances do you envision the Concert of Democracies approving the use of force? 

And let's be frank.  Considering the debacle in Iraq, you are going to have a very hard time selling members of this communities on the use of military force as a coercive technique (e.g. the use of force to stop bad behavior rather than as a response to a direct threat).  But that doesn't mean you shouldn't try.  What kind of threat would the Concert of Democracies be designed to resist? 

Let's cut through the BS and talk about what this idea is really about.  Flesh out the problems with the Security Counsel.  Explain how the Concert of Democracy solves these problems.  Stop with the fluff.

So, we have now tried a couple of different approaches on the field of foreign relations.

International Law can not be upheld against too strong and dominant criminals, as the recent invasion of Iraq most clearly demonstrated.

The United Nations is a flawed concept, at least if compared to the most idealist goals that some people would like to see it achieve. Sometimes, one would wish to concentrate on what UN institutions do good instead of what they do not.

The League of Nations stopped working from the time of the Abyssinia Crisis, and became irrelevant except as a conference site.

The Concert of Europe was effective only from 1815 to 1821.

The Holy Roman Empire (of the German Nation) was long-lived but not particularly effective. Maybe one could say that the jury is still out with regard to the European Union, but so far it doesn't look much better than the HRE. Foreign powers, as for instance the U.S., have good opportunities to divide and rule.

One could guess that a Concert of Democracies would be at least similarly fragile with respect to pressure from foreign powers, as for instance Russia or China, which seem to be designated as its adversaries. Smaller nations would constantly have Molotov-Ribbentrop, the Abyssinia Crisis and Tilsit in mind. They would be in dire danger whenever the interests of nearby adversaries and distant influential CoD-governments came in conflict. Take as example Russia versus the non-German countries around the Baltic.

Seems to me as if this is a recipe we've tested already - and we know how it failed.

More generally, I've also questioned how "more democratic nations" would perceive the not quite as democratic members of such a thought Consert.

Well, ...isn't it good to know what to expect in case a Democrat becomes president the next time?

James

I am somewhat unclear. Is the Concert of Democracies primarily a political, military or economic alliance? Is there to be a blend of all three among them? Oil and the growing economic relationships are playing a role in virtually every other issue. How is the Concert to deal with these issues?

Daniel A. Greenbaum

James,

Your argument here is presented in very abstract terms, removed from any analysis of current global circumstances and the present historical moment. Except for the solitary example of the Darfur crisis - where I grant the existence of a Concert of Democracies might be useful - I can't tell from your discussion what you think are the major challenges facing the globe today, and how exactly you think the Concert of Democracies would be useful in solving them, and more useful than competing approaches.

How, for example, would the Concert of Democracies assist us in addressing the great problems of global energy security; unstable energy costs; resource wars; environmental degradation; population crises and reproductive services; poverty and the propagation of slums; small arms proliferation; the potential for armed conflict; unregulated corporate and private control of finance, exchange and production; nuclear proliferation; colonial exploitation of local economies; disease; economic inequality; and the delivery of educational services?

You consider three options: no institutionalized international cooperation; strengthening existing instititutions and a Concert of Democracies, and seem to settle on the third after rejecting the first two. But there are other options.

One calls for building new institutions and forging new compacts that are not organized on an ideological basis, but on a more practical basis that works with the centers of global power as they actually exist, not as we might wish them to exist. There are many global issues of common concern that can be addressed by coalitions stretching across ideological boundaries. But the potential for this kind of competition will be greatly damaged if non-democratic countries (or those declared non-democratic by the Concert) are forced to engage in resistance and power-balancing viv-a-vis the Concert of Democracies. I would prefer to see a Concert of the Sane and Capable as opposed to a Concert of Democracies.

Listening to some of the discussion of a Concert of Democracies, a modification of the title of Chris Hedges's book comes to mind: "Cold War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning". Most of us grew up in the Cold War, and for that reason perhaps the Cold War style of thinking has an instictive appeal. But we should resist the notion that power blocs organized along ideological lines are the most natural form of global organization - or a desirable one. A few centuries of Wars of Religion and Cold Wars tends to indicate otherwise.

I started to post a mean-spirited reaction to the Concert bubbles this morning when our power went out. Road work many miles away. Bulldozer. Transmission line. Oops! Corporate democratic America at work...

Now that we're back in power here, I see RDF has posted a first-rate response. I'd add that 3/5ths of the permanent members UN Security Council represent democracies which have been notably irresponsible (start with oil-for-food) and good only at blaming others for their failures and behaving arrogantly toward the "third world."

Before we orchestrate a global democratic self-love-fest, I think we'd better make sure a) we have a viable, genuine democracy here, b) we mean democracy not capitalism or "free trade," c) we recommit to international law, and d) the world has stopped looking at us in disbelief and horror. I doubt we'll accomplish all those tasks before the polar ice caps melt, Maybe it's best to forget the "Concert of Democracies," concentrate on getting our environmental act together, and quit worrying about what everyone else is doing that's not up to what we like to think are our (ho-ho) high standards.

Big skepticism is in order here for the reasons mentioned in comments by a number of people.

Also: do we want to promote democracy? If so is it really smart to exclude those out who are supposed to be converted? And how about the half way countries (Russia, Turkey, Ukraine, Lebanon...)?

Isn't it a bit immature to refuse to accept reality by proposing to found one more organization? It strikes me more like the foreign policy equivalent of the homeland security department: the naive and absurd belief that there is an organizational quick fix out there for any problem.

What is in it for the other democracies: to partake by proxy in American exceptionalism? Or are American bribes the way this is supposed to be lubricated properly - like the "coalition of the willing"? It is obvious that the proponents of this idea imagine that this new organization is dominated by the US anyway.

Conventional wisdom has it that democracies are more hesitant to engage in war than the rest of the world. Yet this organization is supposed to make it easier to authorize the "use of force"?

Finally - and this goes beyond this issue to the wider question of liberal hawkery: what is this obsession with military action all about? Why do we need to posture as strong men all the time? Is this electoral politics (avoiding to look "weak")? Or is it "American exceptionalism"? Which would explain why people would think the other democracies would love to join in all sorts of military adventures.

Our last two big military ventures failed badly, the Korean war was at best a half success, the interventions in Grenada and Panama achieved nothing except giving the respective commanders in chief the feeling that they are "real men". The consequence of the war in Kosovo was that after the war the Albaninans were harrassing (and worse) the Serbs whereas before the war it was the other way around. Why would anybody still think of militay intervention as the great foreing policy panacea?

WE THE PEOPLES OF THE UNITED NATIONS DETERMINED to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and

to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and

to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, and

to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom,

AND FOR THESE ENDS

to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours, and

to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security, and

to ensure, by the acceptance of principles and the institution of methods, that armed force shall not be used, save in the common interest, and

to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples,

HAVE RESOLVED TO COMBINE OUR EFFORTS TO ACCOMPLISH THESE AIMS

Accordingly, our respective Governments, through representatives assembled in the city of San Francisco, who have exhibited their full powers found to be in good and due form, have agreed to the present Charter of the United Nations and do hereby establish an international organization to be known as the United Nations.

That all sounds pretty good to me. Perhaps we should try to put all of that into practice and see if it works, before we start forming another high-minded organization, especially before we start forming one whose only aims are to authorize us to attack other countries and to steal the raw materials that belong to other countries.

Hoppy in Sacramento

Though the idea is a good one, there are several problems that would try to snuff the rooster at inception.

First, the division of power would be evident. Like with the United Nations, some countries like the U.S. have a disproportionate amount of sway. Similarly, the vast majority of NATO's armaments and weaponry are paid for and provided by the United States. Could the Concert of Democracies find a way to marginalize or truncate the divide? I'm all for Botswana being a member of the Concert, but is there a realistic way to give them equal footing to the U.S.?

Second, it would be difficult to prevent the emergence of ulterior motives on the part of member states. As we saw in 2003 at the U.N., France had its own reasons for vetoing the proposition to go to war in Iraq. Similarly, Bolton has used an American agenda to curtail several other measures. And let's not forget Russia and China's inherent sympathy towards their business interests in the Middle East. Can a set of guidlines be devised by which ulterior motives are limited?

Finally, it seems as if it would take some sort of catastrophe to get the ball rolling on this idea. The League of Nations was introduced after the horrendous First World War, with the U.N. following suite later. Would it take some kind of nuclear strike by a rogue nation and/or terrorist outfit to break the bonds of political inertia?

I think you have a better chance at seeing hell freeze over than getting a simple answer to one of the reasonable questions you posed.

I would be also nice if the composite American Abroad would answer our questions.

Comments in 90% offered blistering criticism, in a large part substantive and polite, and the posts ignore the most basic question: what would be the GOALS of the "Concert".

One could also ask to specify what is wrong about NATO as the "Concert". One can criticise NATO for several things, and the choice of criticism would be revealing. The fact that Japan, Australia, etc. do not belong does not seem to be an obstance to copperation, say, in Afghanistan. In Afghanistan things go "pearshape", but this is quite atributable to our boneheaded policies, not to inadequacies of NATO.

Several commenters have asked what the goal(s) of the Concert of Democracies should be; PW has suggested getting our environmental act in order. Since the climate crisis is a global crisis, might not a concert of democracies, pressured by their increasingly suffering populations, begin the process of getting carbon emissions down in a serious way? Putting issues of the use-of-force aside, saving the Earth as we know it seems pretty worthwhile.

Ben Cronin

China has recently shown itself to be rather thoughtful on environmental issues, and serious about addressing them. It also contains about a quarter of the world's people in a rapidly expanding economy, which means that any global environmental initiative that excludes China would have highly diminished chances of success.

This is just one example of a pressing global problem that requires a broad and concerted approach involving all developed and developing countries, not just those that happen to be liberal democracies. The prospects for organizing these vitally important global initiatives will be severely damaged if they must occur in the context of a world that is in the process of choosing up teams along ideological lines.

We can't wait around for the dawning of a democratic Golden Age before addressing the environmental crisis, the global energy crunch and all of the other pressing global problems we face. The Concert of Democracies is, to my mind, a backward and parochial step that reasserts bad old patterns of division and ideological conflict, and will interfere with and hinder the global internationalist movement for progress.

"France had its own reason to veto" the approval of a baseless war? They dared to disbelieve Powell, who had the deepest baritone of all our envoys? (It was also reported that Powell felt that his French collegue was rude.)

In another thread they discuss Holocaust denial. What is strange about denying Holocaust if we can so blithely deny what happened on our TV screens mere 3 years ago: we lied, lied, lied and French did not support us FOR THEIR OWN REASONS? Hellooo??!!!

And the pesky French and Belgian belong to NATO as well, so we need to reorganize "democractic countries", basically, to streamline the process of dressing our lies into patina of consensus without some pathetic theatrics on Canary Islands. Bacause some countries that should not count, like France, obstructed our baritone-based diplomacy.

I do not expect this to be popular comment, but I would prefer to see a Concert of Democracies that acted as a check on U.S. inclinations to aggressive, unilateral military action. If I were any other nation I would not join unless the U.S. agreed to not act militarily without a substantial majority of members in favor of said action. Maybe the other nations should just go ahead and have a Concert without U.S. participation.

global citizen

James

Is the idea of a Concert of Democracies ultimately about making sure that the United States stays involved in the world while at the same time restraining it?

NATO, and to a lesser extent SEATO was designed to confront the "communist menace." However they were also about making sure that the United States would shield both Europe and Asia, a great savings of money to both. Lastly, these alliances wer also designed to keep Germany and Japan in check.

The EU plays a similar role. Germany has ahistorical borders. By creating a grand united Europe that France and Germany can domiate Germany is restrained in its actions.

The U.N.'s agencies, if too corrupt, do many used for things. However, in crisis situations the U.N., unless you want to denounce Israel, is useless. Outside of the Cafe how many Amercians want the United States to be beholden to the U.N. before it acts? However, a Concert of Democracies by its nature is going to be dominated by the United States but it will require the U.S. to get and respect the opinions of the other democracies. This, if effective, might make use a Concert very potent.

Daniel A. Greenbaum

I would prefer a Council of Liberty.  And any country could be included if it would endorse that wars of aggression are unacceptable...that international laws should always be observed...that believe in a free press...and that believe in individual liberty (habeus corpus, innocent until proven guilty, etc.).  Naturally we would have to change the way we behave.  But to focus on a "form" of government as the criteria misses the mark.  I believe, as many other commentors do, that the UN is still the way to go.  I think Hoppy nailed it with his comments...time for us to try to put it in practice instead of trying something new.  Money meet mouth? 

piotr

Ahh, if only France's veto had been, as you suggest, a noble attempt at thwarting a great American evil.

Unfortunately, it was not.

In 2003 there were 3 vote-wielding nations at the UN who opposed the American resolution. China and Russia, rather than using their veto, opted to abstain from voting.

France, on the other hand, used its veto not because it was trying to be noble, but for two other reasons altogether.

First, France had lucrative oil contracts with Saddam Hussein's Baath Party. Chirac knew very well that if Hussein were overthrown, not only would these contracts become null and void, but the U.S. would likely ask even more from its allies by way of further debt forgiveness to Iraq.

Second, in 2003 the European Union, as seen from the eyes of Jacques Chirac's France, was given a great opportunity to stand apart from the ubiquitous United States, which had dominated all things foreign policy for better than 80 years.

Just how serious Chirac was at forming a legitimate U.S. 'alter ego' we may never know. Britain, of course, was behind the U.S. from the start, and Germany and Russia were relatively quick to forgive (if not forget) the invasion.

Absolutely right. I've tried several times (admittedly a little more forcefully) and the only response received was a snarky personal message from some newly registered member who's been promoting AEI programs.

Sam Thornton

. . . Richard Haass’s, The Opportunity, which is must reading for anyone who is serious about discussing international affairs. James M. Lindsay

Well, I'm certainly not prepared to take seriously the comments of anyone on this board who doesn't aver at the outset that he or she has read, studied, and fully digested Haass's book.

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