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"Go Big" Sure, but with what?

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It is a crime that Pat Lang was not named to the Iraq Survey Group. Here's a man who established the Arabic program at West Point, who served as Defense Attache in Saudi Arabia and Yemen, and who headed the Middle East Division at the Defense Intelligence Agency. There are few people in the world who know the region better than Pat. Oh well, our loss. Anyway, check out the latest post from Pat.


Trainingtroops

Senator McCain, AEI and a lot of other interested parties are now advocating a medium to large troop increase in Iraq to take more aggressive action, have a greater US presence and secure large parts of the country long enough to create effective security forces. Numbers suggested range from 50,000 to 250,000 as increases in the number of combatants we should send into Iraq. Some people are plainly advocating a policy of annihilation against the Shia militia armies. Others want to re-take Anbar Province. Others just seem to want more "street presence." Abizeid wants more US advisers (he has a euphemism) with small units. A lot of people have a variety of proposed uses for a "troop increase." Would any or all of these measures change the ultimate result? They might if the US persisted long enough. How long? Another 5 to 10 years probably would be my guess.

In any event, I will venture the thought that almost all of those talking about this do not understand the facts of the matter, the time, numbers, structures part of the problem.

People seem to think that soldiers are useful as individuals. They rarely are. UNITS are useful. Soldiers are just the building blocks that UNITS are made of. There is a reason why a soldier, when asked who he is, nearly always includes the name of his UNIT in the answer. Civilians are often puzzled by that. Reporters often refer to some "grunt" as a Ft. Bragg soldier as though his identity was wrapped up in what post his unit was last stationed at. That isn't IT folks. The man tells you what outfit he belongs to because it is in the context of the fighting team that he belongs to that he becomes significant as a component of the military's "combat power." He instinctively knows that, but the great majority of people do not.

What does that mean in the context of Iraq/Afghanistan. It means that the 50,000 to 250,000 soldiers suggested as augmentation would only be useful as additional UNITS. We are talking here about brigade or regimental combat teams (3000 men maybe). That might not be altogether true if the units we are deploying to the war zone were understrength but I have not heard that they are.

Brigade and regimental combat teams are social structures that are also weapons systems. You can think of them as being shaped organizationally like pyramids. At the "base" of the pyramid you will find the mass of private soldiers or marines. These people are trained and conditioned to be individual fighters as part of an ascending organizational hierarchy of - fire team (five soldiers), squad (two fire teams), platoon (four squads), company (four platoons), battalion (four companies) and brigade/regiment (some number of battalions between two and five depending on the situation). At each of these levels, the soldiers involved have to be trained to operate as part of the successively higher groups. Like athletic teams the different levels of units work out "play books" (SOPs) for dealing with time stressed situations and routine functions (like supply). Leaders at all these levels must have the education, training and experience appropriate to their responsibilities in a business that has no equivalence in civilian life.

So --- If we want to augment the force in Iraq we will need to send more units. Do we have them? Yes. We could send regular units (active duty) back again no matter how recently they have been in Iraq or Afghanistan. We could send national guard and reserve units back on the same basis. We could do that but the force we send that way would have to rotated out of the war in a year or so. With whom would we replace those units? We would already have "screwed up" the rotational queue by pulling units that had a place in the queue out of line to send them back early.

Some people express surprise that the ground forces can not generate a larger number of combat brigades/regiments than they do given the "in service" manpower. In fact, the Army has been re-structuring itself for years to do just that and it is as a result of that re-structuring that the present level of force can be maintained in Iraq/Afghanistan. About 6/7ths of all available active duty combat soldiers and marines are now committed to the war mission. They are either "there," "just back" or in training to go back.

What about the draft? Assuming that it were politically possible (which it is not), the draft would, after six or eight months, produce nothing but a mass of semi-trained individual soldiers/marines who would have to be fitted into and trained in the kind of organizational pyramid described above. What about WW2? The draft then produced the privates, but the UNITS were trained in the states for 1 1/2 to 2 years before being committed to combat. The only exceptions were the handful of Regular Army divisions and the one Regular Marine division.

So --- If you really want to do what is talked abut in terms of augmenting strength in the war zones, then you are going to need MUCH LARGER ground forces with many more brigade and regimental combat teams. To achieve that will require the existing units to be "cadred" (tapped) for leaders for the new "pyramids." The officers and senior NCOs will like that. It would mean rapid promotion. Where would you get the privates, the basic raw material? Think about it creatively.

In any event the creation of each new brigade combat team/regiment would take about a year and a half at the least. Listen up augmenters! Better get started now if you want this idea of yours to be more than a pipe dream


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... or we can leave and let countries in the region who have an interest in stability and aren't seen as occupiers help to resolve the situation.

Tom

It isn't obvious that the countries in that region have the slightest interest in stability.  They each have an axe to grind and their interests are in how best to do the grinding.  If there is one constant in those interests it is that all of those countries are ruled by men who strongly wish to continue to rule.  That isn't the same as stability.

Prior to the invasion of Iraq an animated cartoon went the rounds of the internet showing the chain of likely events if that invasion were to happen.  While the exact sequence depicted has not followed the script, the story line has certainly been followed.  I hope someone has a link to that cartoon, just for old times sake. 

Hoppy in Sacramento

Hoppy, I think almost all the governments in the region have an interest in stability. The main exception is probably Israel, whose foolish leaders imagine it can profit, with American indulgence, from the weakness of Lebanon and Iraq, and from the disunity of the Palestinians. Syria and Iran can see the upside of having the US debilitated by The Twin Fiascos in Iraq and Afghanistan, but having chaos on your borders is worrying for any authoritarian government. The US out and a stable order in which their influence is increased are their objectives. The difficulty for them is that those aims may not be wholly compatible.

In the first place, the so-called Iraq Survey Group contains no experts on the military or middle east -- Pat Lang or anyone else -- because this so-called "advisory commission" doesn't care about the military or the middle east. It only exists to provide domestic political cover back in the United States for the maladroit miscreants who have royally screwed the pooch in Central Park at high noon after brazenly summoning a crowd to watch a poodle-grooming contest -- so to speak. So can we please refrain from any further fantasies about what this claque of politically connected "insiders" knows or doesn't know about the middle east? They don't need to know anything about the middle east and wouldn't listen to anyone who did. They have no other purpose in life than to see that the present reckless rogue regime doesn't deservely receive the fate of the Romanovs. You mean to tell me you don't know this?

In the second place, I don't know whether Pat Lang's cautionary tale qualifies as "damning with faint praise" or "praising with faint damnation." So I'll just split the difference and settle on "damned faint" as the descriptor I would choose. Far from laying out any "worst case" arguments against "Going Big" (which itself only qualifies as yet another fraudulent, flawed figure of speech), Pat limits himself (probably due to time constraints) to just a tip-of-the-iceberg, standard-issue synopsis of hidebound military "combat" bureaucracy. He understandably completely avoids the even greater logistical import of the so-called "tail-to-tooth" support ratio: which we might call the "Corporate Camp Followers Per Legionaire" requirement now that our troops can't learn foreign languages, wash their own clothes, and/or feed themselves any longer. Not only does posting abroad our Foreign Legion (40% of whom we used to call a "National Guard") involve hideous expenses due to equipment and training (although not so much for pay and allowances), but the Crony Corruption Quotient payable (at exhorbitant markup) to Haliburton and Blackwater Mercenaries, Inc., for all the Shopping Malls, Burger Kings, World's-most-obscenely-huge bases and embassies, etc., not to mention "security" (which one would have thought our military existed to provide) -- well, all of this "extra," Big-PX stuff drains more from our limited personnel and fiscal resources (of which we have not yet funded -- as opposed to "financing" -- any) than even our proverbial "boots on the ground" do. So I think Pat Lang went pretty easy on Mad-dog McCain and Company. He could have easily made their ludicrous proposals look much worse than he did. For instance:

Just consider what Pat Lang's military pyramids have achieved in nearly four years of wallowing ineffectively over their pyramidally pointed heads in Iraq: namely, indescribable disaster. Whatever one wants to say about our troops and their training -- good, bad, or indifferent -- it certainly doesn't look like their ticket-punching, career leadership has accomplished anything meaningful in Iraq other than getting the "pyramid base" of inconsequential, interchangeable individuals incinerated by IEDs. Having luckily survived my own six years at the enlisted base of many such pointless pyramids (the last one in South Vietnam), I have a rather-less-sanguine regard for their efficacy than Pat Lang does. Iraq has demonstrated nothing at all about our military force structure other than its anachronistic organization, stupendously destructive ineffectiveness, and time-dishonored workings of two mutually-reinforcing iron laws of bureaucratic growth: Parkinson's Law and the Peter Principle -- colloquially known as "Fuck up and move up." Lots of promotions. Lots of rotations. Just nothing to show for any of it but more of the same dead and maimed inconsequential, interchangeble individuals (of whom I knew and respected quite a few) at the base of the Unit pyramid. And nothing about that sad, sorry state of affairs has changed since the time of Alexander the Great and King Pyrrhus, the Fool of Hope.

Finally, I would only add that our bloated and antiquated military force structure -- whatever it does or doesn't do -- simply costs more to operate than America can afford. Back in the day of our War on Vietnam, we would send an aircraft carrier battle group halfway around the world to blow up a bamboo bridge that the "other guy" could rebuild and re-use in little time and at much less relative expense. A few years ago during the opening phases of Deputy Dubya's War on Iraq I saw a picture of a little Iraqi boy rebuilding -- in very little time and at relatively little expense -- a mosque that we had sent an aircraft carrier battle group -- or its equivalent -- halfway around the world to destroy. In point of fact, the so-called "high value" targets disappear quickly and very soon it takes more and more German/Americans to destroy less and less of Stalingrad/Hanoi until the Law of Diminishing Returns bankrupts -- as it appears ready to do in Iraq -- the entire misguided enterprise.

As one who survived his own indendured incarceration as an inconsequential, interchangeable individual at the base of an insane isosceles industry, I can only hope never to see the likes of Mad-dog McCain and Abu Abizaid promoted to their final levels of incompetence atop another pathological pyramid expanded endlessly to occupy all the "long" years that anyone on planet earth has yet to live before they die for nothing. We need to get our military the hell out of Iraq immediately, before that incompetently instructed, lamely led, and malignantly misdeployed mob hurt themselves, the Iraqis, and the rest of us (in our hearts and pocket books) more than they already have.

Shorter Larry Johnson:

When Shinseki testified to Congress that it would take "several hundred thousand" troops to occupy Iraq he was testifiyng that it could not be done at all.

There are limits as to what you can do with an all volunteer force absent a direct threat to the United States. It was clear from the beginning that Iraq was beyond that limit.

The rest is just thrashing around. And oh yeah, people dying.

Hi Larry,

Thanks for posting this. I agree that it is indeed heartbreaking that Col. Lang is not included on the commission. Maybe it's because he speaks Arabic and can tell an Egyptian accent from a Gulf or Lebanese accent. He was only in charge of human intel for the Gulf War. Equally heartbreaking was when Bremer ignored your advice on consulting with Pat. Maybe it was because Col. Lang wasn't a part of the 2000 Bush Florida recount team. Col. Lang, like yourself - has an uncommon ability to break things down for  us lay people. For any of you that have yet to read Col. Lang's excellent analysis on how we were sold Iraq, you have to check this out.

http://www.mepc.org/journal_vol11/0406_lang.asp   

Repetition  does not tranform a lie into a truth. FDR

Where did you get the idea that Shinseki was saying it could not be done? Zinni's original plan for invading Iraq called for 500,000 troops. The plan as presented to Rumsfeld was for 350,000 troops. No one suggested using that many troops was a problem.

Rumsfeld rejected that big a force using a top number of 125,000 troops. The difference was the type of war they Generals and the Secretary planned to fight. Even more importantly Rumsfeld had no interest in a post Saddem Iraq. The Generals, especiallly Shinseki who had experience in Yugoslavia, knew that taking out Saddem wasn't going to be the issue but stabilizing the country was.

Daniel A. Greenbaum

The pundits and feckless politicians (Yes, I mean Saint McCain among others), who are discussing Iraq policy, are not "serious" about actually affecting the situation on the ground in Iraq.

What they are doing, is avoiding the obvious: Iraq is lost.

Iraq is lost and Bush lost it. He lost it, when security did not provide widespread looting. He lost it when the Reconstruction, as at a cost of several tens of billions accomplished nothing, except raising Halliburton's share price.

Iraq is chaos, never mind civil war, and it is the fault of Bush and the Republican Right and the worthless pieces of crap that play liberals on teevee.

Bush is a dangerously stupid man.

20,000 Americans are not going to make any difference now. None.

That's what these stupid talking heads don't want to talk about. Their responsibility for putting a dangerously stupid man in the Presidency, and the consequences.

The truth is, all of these pundits and politicians should resign, quit, shut up and never voice a political opinion or even vote again as long as they live.

Bush lost it when he invaded after defrauding the American people. His attempt to defraud the UN didn't work.

Tom

This depends in part on the political game being played in Iraq.

Under the present Constitution, that game is "winner take all". The majority in parliament controls the army, the army, if it ever gains control of the situation on the ground, controls the country.

Now, we were told that we were establishing Jeffersonian democracy in Iraq ... indeed, I have seen the events in Iraq used as evidence that they can't handle Jeffersonian democracy. But that is one of those situations where some people say things they know are untrue ... I believe the technical term is "lie".

Here is an English translation of the Iraqi Constitution ( wikipedia, AP via USA Today). Read it ... I'll wait. Find the checks and balances. Find the reservation of powers to the Provinces where they are not explicitly allocated to the Federal Government.

There is plenty of fine words that guarantee all sorts of fine rights, but without the balance of powers for minority interests to enforce those words on majority interests, its not Jeffersonian democracy.

As long as its a political game of winner take all, bringing in the other nations of the region is not going to create peace. Many nations will have a stake in peace, as long as it is a peace with the proxy for their interests ending up on top of the heap.

Of course, the proposal to Balkanize the country is the American Imperial fallback position of first resort, in the belief that the Kurdish third will be willing to host US bases, and of course the standard position of the US Military is that any expansion of the US base system is a good thing, no matter how much damage it does to long term US interests.

An actual Federal system, on the other hand, may offer an option for a stable negotiated halt to hostilities ... provided that the main protagonists see that they have a stable political power base to defend within the reformed Iraqi system of government.

Just consider what Pat Lang's military pyramids have achieved in nearly four years of wallowing ineffectively over their pyramidally pointed heads in Iraq: namely, indescribable disaster.

Complete success in what they were designed to do, and abject failure at what they were not designed to do.

Why can't we put 100,000 more combat forces on the ground when we have more than 1m under arms? Because much of the people we have under arms are already on occupation duty ... in Korea, in Japan, in Germany and across Europe, in the Caribbean, in Central Asia.

And now we are bogged down in a war to try to install a puppet government in Iraq and get a few more bases.

Resident Bush was right when he said that US military forces should not be used for nation building, but then in service of the expansion of the US base network he invaded a nation where the US military forces would be required to successfully build a nation in a plural society in order to be able to install the government to grant the basing rights.

Thank you, Larry. This clears up many questions I've had about what the numbers of troops debate involves. Very valuable contribution.

Thanks. I've never been able to keep the hierarchy and numbers of the different organizational levels straight. One question. Are these the commanders of these levels

fire team: corporal
squad: NCO
platoon: 1st or 2nd Lt
company: Captain or Major
battalion: Major or Colonel
brigade/regiment: General

It's certainly the case that hundreds of thousands of troops could have been recruited. Pay increases and larger signing bonuses would have been necessary.

But doing so would have taken at least a year, much more time than it would have taken for the inspectors to prove that there were no WMD. As it was, it was clear from the inspectors March 2003 reports that there were no nukes and there was no credible threat to the US or the region from Iraq.

As you say, it would have also been very difficult to persuade American voters that adding that number of troops was a good policy decision. It would have been difficult to beat the drum for a year and keep up the fear levels necessary.

So they had to go when they did if they wre gonna go at all--with a force that their most knowledgable general on occupying and stablizing a foreign said was completely inadequate.

I have a question that's been nagging at me and can anyone answer it?

During my WarII I don't remember troops being rotated. R&R leaves, about two weeks, yes, but no back home for however long. In fact I don't remember "rotation" during Nam or Korea. (Is this Iraq thing really a war?)

And since he couldn't defraud it he sent John Bolton to wage war on it and try to destroy it...

J. McCutchen

While Bush is Riga giving Victory Pep Talks, his Marine Corps is leaking badly


Ricks to the Rescue;Anbar Picture Grows Bleaker - Marine report says U.S. cannot defeat insurgency or counter al-Qaeda's fast growth in western Iraq.


In that Riga Speech today, Bush is back to his old rhetoric.


It doesn't matter what the ISG says. The Congress is going to have to bite the bullet sooner or later else we're in Iraq for the duration of Bush's term

During Nam there was a draft. One tour of duty and then home ... indeed, with McNamara at the helm, AFAIR individual soldiers slotted into and pulled out of units like they were spare parts for a Ford.

With a professional army (modern US Army, British imperial regiments in India during the Raj, Roman Legions), there seems to be a tendency to get this rotation system. Mind you, the rotations in the British imperial regiments system were longer, but then it took a lot longer to get the regiment out to the far reaches of empire in those days than it does today.

WWII was an actual declared s war with full mobilization, sacrifices on the home front to support the boys at the front, etc.

The answer is the Iraq 'thing' is really not a war. It follows that Bush is not a 'War President'. Gore Vidal link has described the invasion of Iraq as 'criminal aggression'. Vidal fought in WWII so he has some idea of real war. Most people in the US know it is not a real war, I am surprised a vet of WWII would entertain the idea it is a 'real war'.

The problem is Iraq had neither the capability, nor, it would logically follow, the interest to attack America. They didn't do anything to us, they couldn't, and they didn't want to attack us. Call it pre-emptive or call it criminal, it is aggression by any definition. We also attacked them without a declaration of war by Congress. It has been a one sided event described by some as simply a 'massacre'.

There has got to be a term for that.

What was it that Germany and Russia (a two nation coalition of the willing) did to Poland in the late 1930's?

Oh, yeah, unprovoked aggresion. That's the word for it.

The doctrine of "preemptive" attack, though, is more along the lines of what Japan did, say I guess some people might prefer to refer to it as "infamy".

Actually, what Japan did is called a "preventive" attack which matches what we did in Iraq. "Preemptive" is to stop an immediate threat. "Preventive" is to prevent a possible attack at some point down the road.

Tom

Again, I appreciate all efforts -- including Pat Lang's -- to throw cold water on Senator Mad Dog McCain's heated hyperbole about sending "more" American military forces to Iraq (and Afghanistan, too). The "mission" that never could have succeeded has predicably failed and no good will come from changing the name of the Nixon-Kissinger Fig Leaf Contingent (in which I served) to the Cheney-Bush Buy Time Brigade. Tragically, too many good Americans -- not to mention Southeast Asians and Middle Easterners -- have needlessly died for America's "Best and Brightest" (then) and its "Worst and Dullest" (now). What we will call what next passes for political and military "leadership" in America, I shudder to think. The historical trends do not look auspicious. ...

Still, the American War on Iraq happened because the American War on Vietnam happened because the American War on China happened. Or as the late, great historian Barbara Tuchman put it in her classic March of Folly:

"The American government reacted not to the Chinese upheaval or to Vietnamese nationalism per se, but to intimidation by the rabid right at home and to the public dread of Communism that this played on and reflected. [In the] social and psychological sources of that dread ... lie the roots of American policy in Vietnam."

In short, the generic "American War on ..." keeps happening for reasons having little, if anything to do with what comes after the "..." ellipsis. The crime of rape, for example, does not depend for its legal definition on distinctions without a difference between the rapist's blond, brunette, or red-headed victims. Natually, from the rapist's point of view, this sort of analysis seems distinctly uncomfortable and so one seldom hears it seriously discussed in polite rapist circles. Still, with all the historically-multiplying number of victims filing suit ...

The rabid, reactionary right in America (or any country, for that matter) continually needs a "new" mystic dread, abstract angst, or just plain fear itself to terrify the American Nation of Sheep into uncritical, unreflective obedience. All too often, the ancient pyramid hierarchy of the professional military caste only too willingly plays along for its own self-interested reasons. ("Don't knock the war, it's the only one we've got," they said during Vietnam's -- for the Vietnamese -- Second Indochina War.) For America, this pattern of mutually-reinforcing domestic political fascism combined with rampant military careerism has repeated itself to our continuing sorrow for at least the past sixty years. President Eisenhower only caught a glimpse of its future malignancy in his famous (but largely ignored) "Military-Industrial Complex."

At any rate, whether we deploy more troops (however pyramidally organized) to Iraq for no good purpose or simply allow the ones we currently have there to slowly die through attrition for no good purpose hardly matters to most Americans. America simply has no good purpose to achieve militarily in Iraq and it never did, any more than it did in China or Vietnam. The ancient, hidebound human pyramid, though, does have one outstanding characteristic: stability. It may not achieve any purpose, worthwhile or otherwise, but it certainly functions like nothing else to achieve its own growth and perpetuation. As we usd to say in the Nixon-Kissinger Fig Leaf Contingent: "We're here because we're here because we're here because we're here."

If the post-WWII Warfare Welfare and Makework Militarism pattern holds, the professonal military will keep agitating for ever more "long" war, ticket-punching (rotations for promotions) glacier races for the obvious reason that they simply can't sprint to the finish line (i.e., accomplish missions) in measurable human timeframes (which they will mightily resist to their last, dying breath). However, since an increasingly broke and indebted America refuses to quit robbing the future to pay for its Free-Lunch Guns AND Butter self-indulgence, the implacable Law of Diminishing Returns will solve the problem for America no matter what Senators Mad Dog McCain and You-Know-Her think about pyramidally structured troop levels in Iraq. This overcooked turkey already looks like it has a fork sticking out of it -- so to speak.

This generic, endemic, needless "American War on ..." keeps happening, fellow Crimestoppers, not for anything to do with China, or Vietnam, or Iraq; but rather for the simple reason that we fed up Americans don't stand up to the the rabid reactionary right at home and (1) cut off the funding for their wars, (2) revoke any and all legal authorizations for their wars, and (3) punish the civilian and military perpetrators of their wars. Until we do these three simple and necessary things -- and do them often -- the self-justifying bureaucratic pyramid will just keep on inventing new "syndromes" to prevent our learning the above simply stated lessons. This in turn will only get us more Mad Dog McCains, clueless Charles Rangels, and triangulating You-Know-Hers agitating for more, more, more lives; and always for less, less, and less to show for them; until we get what they always give us for all the needless sacrifice: namely, nothing for us but everything for them.

I say: fuck them and the military-industrial porkbarrel pig they rode in on -- so to speak. Let them go "big" and "long" with that tipping point turning the corner connecting dots with the ink stains on the flypaper dominoes in the tunnel at the end of the light.

It isn't obvious that the countries in that region have the slightest interest in stability.
Yes, it may not be obvious, but isn't that precisely what we would expect from Syria and Iran, two nations that have been described by the Bush administration as members of the Axis of Evil?

Of course Syria and Iran would not be interested in stability in Iraq as long as the United States continues to station its troops in their region of the world. As long as we are there, they will want to see everything we touch end up in chaos. But if we are leaving the scene, they will be acutely interested in using their armed forces to end the instability in Iraq, because they do not want the civil war to spill over into their borders.

Understand that it is not just fear of instability in Iraq that would motivate them to intervene; it would also be especially important to them to succeed at something that the United States failed to do in their part of the world. That is to say, they will want to show the world that the region is more peaceful and secure without America sending its troops into their back yard.

For Syria, Iran, and Turkey, it's a no-brainer.

You mean preemptive as used by people trying to describe what is actually going on, or preemptive as used by people trotting out an excuse to invade?

And I don't know where the boundary line lies ... given that Singapore fell on the 15th of February, the threat of active intervention by the US Pacific fleet that they were trying to "prevent" was a fairly immediate threat. Is a threat within the next month preemptive and a threat within the next two months preventative?

I'll readily admit that it may be an abuse of language to label a strike "preemptive" when the "threat" is that there may be a reaction to an act of aggression that you yourself have decided upon ...

... however, given the quality of the conservative MSM and the "balance" provided by the well funded radical right media, there's certainly a good chance of getting away with that kind of abuse of language when a US administration is trotting out an excuse for the inexcusable.

An important point that needs to be made is that words do matter. Rhetoric is epistemic in that the listener or reader is "snared in the perceptual net" constructed by the language used to express the idea. A few examples:

The War in Iraq.

The War on Terror.

Iraq is in a Civil War.

We can't just Cut and Run.

We will accept Nothing Less Than Victory.

Once you accept a terminology for a concept, you accept the baggage that comes with it...the way in which it causes you to see the world. For example, we are not currently fighting a war in Iraq. We are occupying Iraq and getting shot at when we go on patrol. War requires an enemy. Who is it? Terrorists? Come on... It's about as diverse as you can imagine and has evolved substantially.

And don't get me started on the "war on terror." I hope the next time we declare war on a word we go after an adjective. How about "stupid" ?

It is no wonder to me that the Bush Administration has resisted allowing the Iraqi situation to be called a "civil war." An important point about the use of language is that we don't even realize that we are falling into the trap. Elaine Langer, research psychologist, has written extensively about how humans use language mindlessly and reflexively. Consequently, the linguistic trap hides itself from our sight.

There was a lengthy online discussion fielded yesterday by the Washington Post political staff regarding whether there was, or should have been, a rule of thumb regarding calling the conflict in Iraq a "civil war." My read of it was that the staff was dismissive of the criticism because "it doesn't really matter what you call it." This, coming from individuals who use words to make a living?

"We're here because we're here" goes back to WWI -- another completely pointless war.  The rank and file could see that; it was their hides on the line, after all.

Bruce,

Here is a link to the issue from 2002.

http://www.antiwar.com/bock/b091002.html

Tom

CLAY

Reminds me of something I think I posted earlier - It doesn't make linguistic sense to talk about a "war" if there is no possibility for losing. And since the US Air Force with conventional weapons would reduce every Iraqi city to rubble within a few months, there is no possibility for losing.

I believe that language can define a concept to the point where the concept has no meaning other than the language used to identify it. (Hearing people use the terms of expression you cited in your post sends me regularly into paroxysms.)

My is this Iraq thing really a war was tongue in cheek, AND I really wanted some explanation of the rotation thing - which I got.

I read Vidal's thing and even though I was a child during that "real" war, I could identify with a lot of what he said.

Hence the quotation marks in the expression "preemptive" strike.

However, that link reminds me that I overstated the case in making an analogy between the invasion of Iraq and the attack on Pearl Harbor. While neither can be justified, the invasion of Iraq is clearly qualitatively more illegitimate ... if the US Pacific had left harbor, they could have done far more damage to Japanese efforts to respond to the US oil embargo (albeit not recognized as legitimate responses in international law) than any immediate damage Iraq could have done to the US.

The people who are going to Iraq are genuine heroes and we should be proud of their determination to fight for our safety. Unfortunately, the job they are being asked to do is not what they have been trained for. They are trained to fight in wars, and what is being asked of them in Iraq is to help build a nation, to quell an insurgency, to mediate a civil war. It is a mistake to ask our Armed Forces, which have won the Afghanistani War and the Iraqi War for us, to serve as peace-keepers and mediators of the aftermath. This means that "more troops" is meaningless. This message is not one the current Administration wants to hear, because it shows just how short-sighted they have been. Fighting an insurgency is not what conventional armed forces are trained for or equipped to do; just as the Israeli Army, a darned good army, after their difficulties in Lebanon with Hezbolla, has learned. Good military people know this but, curiously, haven't been very vocal about it. The Armed Forces are not properly trained or structured to build nations, install democracy, fight insurgencies, intervene in civil wars or even fight guerillas. That's fact. To change their mission, or to re-train them and re-structure them, will take time and could weaken their primary mission. Not something we want to play around with, is it?

At the time of the invasion I really believed it was a preventive attack, although for strange reasons propagandized as preemption against an immediate threat.

Today, I must say that I have seen absolutely no indications of Iraq being any kind of threat against the United States (or Britain or any other country in the Coalition of the Willing).

Hence I have a long time ago reconsidered, and realized that it wasn't even a preventive attack.

In retrospect it seems clear that the comparison with Japan doesn't hold water, and the invasion of Poland is the only comparison that can be made.

And this my government has been contributing to!
:-(

And, even worse, led by a cabinet that I've voted for - and most probably will vote for again.
:-((

I'm analyzing their reasoning taking their obvious bullbleep at face value. Of course, you're right. It was an act of aggression sold as preemptive to the defrauded American public.

Tom

JM, please consider adding the US invasion of Granada as another appropriate comparison.  The pretext was that Cuba was building an airfield to accomodate the invasion of Central America, but the real reason (in my opinion) was that Granada's new government announced just before the invasion that it was going to regulate Granada's off-shore banks. 

Years ago a sociology professor taught me that there are two causes for war: the precipitating cause and the real cause.  The precipitating cause convinces us that there is a noble reason to die on the battlefield, while the real cause is always economic. 

The three countries of Bush's Axis of Evil all announced that they planned to hold their national treasure in Euros.  That is actually a very decent threat to the US, all things considered.  Unfortunately, we don't talk about those sorts of things.  As materialistic as US culture is, competing currencies isn't on the list of noble causes worthy of dying for.  Very ironic...

Neoboho

There are plenty of examples. I just made the comparison between the two examples Japan bombing Pearl Harbor and the Third Reich invading (most of) Poland (giving the rest to the Soviet Union).

With regard to theories about economic driving forces behind war plans, I am convinced that's usual, and what you can find when scratching the surface of most wars, but...

  • everyone know that any war is risky venture, and for taking that risk you often need emotional impetus too
  • the first World War is sometimes stated as a good example of a war that already from the beginning was, economically, a high-risk project

It's rather obvious to me that the experience of war is quite different when comparing Continental Europe with America, and this explains a lot of what has happened in the last 15 years. The idea that the threatening loss of importance for the dollar should be a main cause of the invasion of Iraq seems bizarre to my mind.

The anti-European hostility that became rather high-pitched in connection with the run-up to the invasion of Iraq made surely more than one European to see the link to American unease with the decreased dependency of the U.S. that was the natural consequence in Western Europe after the implosion of the Soviet Union.

At the time of the invasion, it seemed incomprehensible to me why many American commentators were so obsessed with French corporations' economic interest as a driving force behind the French electorate's disapproval of the invasion. I couldn't believe anyone believed French corporation to be that influential over Public Opinion in France. In retrospect, I've come to see this as one confirmation that these commentators really saw the invasion as more important in terms of economic influence than in terms of the alleged threats against America and mankind.

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