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Where is Sistani?

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With the death toll for Americans and Iraqis at record highs, and a desparate Hadley trying to stem the violence from the Green Zone, I am actually curious whether anyone has heard from Sistani lately?

I ask this not because he is a savior, but he ought to be commended for his early attempts to stem Shite retribution. It just seems that he is long gone. Early this year, a European commentary wrote:

"...in the face of continuing car bombs and other attacks causing mass casualties, and now also attacks against major Shiite shrines, such as the al-Askariya Mosque in Samarra on 22 February 2006, Sistani’s influence seems to be diminishing. Two principal factors account for this. One is that the attacks have become so frequent and massive, and occur during a political process that is so inflamed, that Shiites in general, and Shiite tribal elders in particular, have started pressing hard for the right to retaliate. “Sistani is sleeping”, warned a slogan daubed on the wall of a Baghdad secondary school. . . . Another reason is that the government, in the form of interior ministry units and in response to popular demands for revenge, has actively undermined his prohibition by its arbitrary practices against Sunni Arabs under the rubric of counter-insurgency. . . . In the battle for Shiite hearts and minds, it seems that the active combat of ruthless insurgents, irrespective of the means used, is playing far better than the moral imperative to abjure revenge or the tactical consideration not to play into the hands of those who seek to ignite civil war."

And if he is long gone, then the theory that Iraq is destined for not one, but two, civil wars -- Sunni on Shitte, Shitte vs. Shitte -- may actually have some validity; the latter are simply not united in their vision of the future of Iraq.

The United States reliance on Sistani always seemed absurd; he would never meet with us, rightfully fearing that he would then be approving the occupation. And it is worth reminding folks how the Administration had viewed him as the future of Iraq. But, I haven't heard from him lately and, to me, that would suggest that the semantics of civil war are words play. Any proof otherwise?


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He retired from politics.
He gave up.
His spokesman made that announcement a while ago.

Sistani announced that he was withdrawing from the political sphere on September 3, 2006. It was carried in the newspapers, including the Telegraph, where the headline read I No Longer Have the Power to Prevent Civil War, Sistani Says

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2006/09/03/wirq03.xml

In particular, the story reports:

Aides say Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani is angry and disappointed that Shias are ignoring his calls for calm and are switching their allegiance in their thousands to more militant groups which promise protection from Sunni violence and revenge for attacks.

Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani
"I will not be a political leader any more," he told aides. "I am only happy to receive questions about religious matters."

However, the extent to which he has become marginalised was demonstrated last week when fighting broke out in Diwaniya between Iraqi soldiers and al-Sadr's Mehdi army. With dozens dead, al-Sistani's appeals for calm were ignored.

Al-Sistani's aides say that he has chosen to stay silent rather than suffer the ignominy of being ignored. Ali al-Jaberi, a spokesman for the cleric in Khadamiyah, said that he was furious that his followers had turned away from him and ignored his calls for moderation.

Asked whether Ayatollah al-Sistani could prevent a civil war, Mr al-Jaberi replied: "Honestly, I think not. He is very angry, very disappointed."

He said a series of snubs had contributed to Ayatollah al-Sistani's decision. "He asked the politicians to ask the Americans to make a timetable for leaving but they disappointed him," he said.

"The United States reliance on Sistani always seemed absurd"

If they relied on him we would have left.

J. McCutchen

Informed Comment

A correction to Colbert I. King's column on Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani in the Washington Post, which alleges that Sistani won't meet with Bush administration officials because they are non-Muslims. This is untrue. Sistani met with United Nations official Sergio Vieira de Mello. He declines to meet with the Americans because he considers them an illegitimate occupation force. Mr. King suggests he should be grateful to the US for invading and occupying Iraq. He is not. He feels that a unilateral American act of aggression could in the nature of the case not truly help Iraq, and he is extremely distressed at the way the American action has turned his adopted country into the Night of the Living Dead. (See Anthony Shadid's column on Sunday, which is chilling.

My perception, for what its worth, is that Sistani is saving his political capital.

He was always in a dicey situation. If he becomes too close to the Americans, then he loses his credibility through that association.

Basically, in Iraq, anyone associated with the Americans might as well have open running genital sores and a compulsion to display them to children. America is not well liked, and those who America favours are disliked for that. Those who prosper from America are targets. Those who America raises up as allies are dead men walking. It's as if Hitler was alive and occasionally endorsing certain jewish politicians.

So it was incumbent upon Sistani not to get too close or to be seen as allied with or affiliated with the American occupation.

On the other hand, Sistani could not oppose the American occupation too strongly.

In the worst possible case, they'd simply bomb him, or take him out and shoot him, or ship him to Abu Ghraib, stick lightsticks up his ass, electrodes to his genitals, lit cigarettes in his ear and waterboard him to their hearts content. All of these treatments were given to highly ranked Sunni generals and tribal leaders, so its foolish to say that Sistani or anyone else was immune.

Another worst possible case would be a futile and bloody confrontation with American power which would see thousands or tens of thousands of ill prepared, unorganized, badly trained followers dead. Its one thing to turn out 100,000 for a demonstration. Its another to turn that 100,000 into an arym.

Finally and worse, a direct confrontation would crush Sistani's political power entirely.

So, from Sistan's point of view, he needed to be in a sweet spot of not being associated with the occupation, but not being openly at war with it. From that position, he could garner the support of the majority of Iraqi's who disliked America but were unwilling to risk open revolt.

Give the guy credit, he managed to find and hold that sweet spot for quite some time. His interventions twice pulled the Americans off the Mahdi army and saved Sadr's but. He also managed to maintain a lot of peace and civility among Shiites for an extended period. And he repeatedly trumped Bremer with his insistence on elections, despite relentless American opposition.

Essentially, he was able to moderate the Americans actions against the radicals with threat of crowds, and neutralize the radicals actions against Americans by pushing or forcing non-violent options. In each case, he used his control of the center to use one side against another.

But a balancing like that is hard to sustain. In a way, his own success was his undoing.

By finally getting elections, and getting an elected Iraqi government, Sistani was trapped supporting that government. That government itself was a pawn of the United States. Thus, Sistani inevitably found himself being associated, through the elected government, with the American occupation.

At the same time, Sadr's success and survival (because of Sistani), and the continuing escalation of the Sunni insurgency meant that there was a lot more room on the 'resistance' side for movement. Radicalism became more acceptable and popular.

The result was that Sistani found himself moved out of his 'sweet spot'. Increasingly indirectly associated with the occupation, and perceived as increasingly out of touch with the broadening radicalizing political spectrum, his influence diminished with both.

The twin failures came: He demanded that the elected government impose a timetable on the Americans... and that didn't happen. Which meant that he had lost the ability, or reached the limits of his ability, to pressure the Americans, he'd lost the perception of his control over masses. At the same time, his calls to cease violence against Sunnis went unheeded, meaning that he was now too associated with Americans and too out of touch to matter.

In that situation, Sistani had two options. He could quickly pontificate himself into irrelevance, futilely burning away his remaining political capital.

Or he could retreat from the field, preserving both dignity and mystique, and wait for the wheel to turn and conditions to favour him once again.

The election of an American puppet government had cost him legitimacy. The best that he could do was to remove his legitimacy from, and remove the legitimacy from, the American puppet government by turning away from it.

With respect to the radicalized elements, they had proven that they were unwilling to listen to him. The worst thing that he could do would be to keep talking to them, and reinforcing his impotence.

Now, he can play the sleeping giant. Detached from the horrors of both sides, he is responsible for neither. He is untainted. He becomes a symbol of honour, of integrity and of hope. He's the king in Avalon, who may some day return to save the nation... Barbarossa sleeping in his cave... the 12th Imam waiting, the messiah in the distance.

Preserving his credibility and his legitmacy is important. The Americans can't be beaten, but neither can they triumph. Sooner or later, they'll have to leave. The various radicalising factions will war with each other, and will discredit themselves and each other with most of the population. At some point, they will need someone who is of them, but not tainted, someone who is above and outside, to bring them together and make peace to unite the country.

Or at least, this is the role that he sees for himself. Let's hope that he's right.

In a sense, its also a role that Sadr is trying for, but on a more populist level.

One final thing.

Sistani has absolutely less than zero interest in saving America in Iraq. He's not inclined to give a rats ass about American soldiers lives, when the death rate is 200 Iraqi lives for every dead American. He's not sympathetic to any ambition that America has. He doesn't like how you've conducted yourselves, doesn't like the occupation, isn't impressed by the reconstruction, how you've played games with the population, or anything that you plan to do.

If it were up to Sistani, every American in Iraq today would be dead or outside of the country in a year.

Given that he's withdrawn, my advice is to let sleeping giants lie. Wake him up too early, and that might be a bad thing.

For instance, were America to unilaterally declare a partition of Iraq, or to declare Kurdistan independent... then I think Sistani would likely declare a fatwa and a jihad against America.

This isn't the bullshit fatwas that Osama Bin Laden issues. Sistani is the real deal, and his declarations are genuine theological and social instruments, taken very seriously by other clerics and by the worshippers. The population is radicalized enough that a Fatwa like this would basically let everything loose.

How's that? Does it help to answer the question?

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