Bridging Progressive and Business Agendas?
Judging by some of the initial responses, Reed Hundt has succeeded in hiding his progressive agenda in the post even more thoroughly than he does in the book. Perhaps I'm reading my own wishes into it, but I understand this book to be an effort to develop a new set of political alignments around a set of core policies that will improve American productivity while at the same time improving distributive justice.
China here plays the same role as the Soviet Union did in the 1950s and '60s to justify the national highway system, the massive investment in science generated by the space race, and to a lesser extent, as an added justification for the second reconstruction. That is, it is an external threat that provides the justification for investment in core public goods.
The basic structure of the argument is: China will leave us in the dust if we do not adopt a set of strategic policies that will make us a more entrepreneurial, risk-taking society capable of competing in the global knowledge economy. We need, so he argues, to invest massively in knowledge infrastructure, wake up from our ideologically-motivated failure to invest in education, universal healthcare, and a social safety net, and persist in the profligacies of crony capitalism.
At the same time, we cannot assume that the older, New Deal models of achieving these goals--most notably stable union jobs with stable large corporations and significant income redistribution--are the way to go. Instead, I understand him to be suggesting that life-long education coupled with a social and medical safety net should provide the insurance necessary to shift to a much more risk-taking, entrepreneurial culture. Open communications and information infrastructures, targetted antitrust enforcement, and pro-entrepreneur tax policies must complement these changes. We should also reorient our development policies to become more generous, because improved standard of living in poorer countries will provide new, expanding markets for American entrepreneurs, and will also tie these countries to our open system, rather than leading them to greater dependence on, and integration into, the Chinese sphere.
I don't want to try to analyze each component of the book's arguments or proposals on its own merits yet. At this point, I want to locate it in the realm of political ideas in the United States today. One of the more bizarre facts of American political life today is the unholy alliance between libertarians, free marketeers, and “the party of business,” on the one hand, and the party of the fundamentalist anti-science/anti-abortion, the anti-immigrant, and the security-centric factions, on the other hand. This alliance is not really more bizarre or unstable than was the alliance between Northeastern progressives and Southern Democrats was, before it was shattered by the Civil Rights Acts, but it does share that kind of incongruity or internal tension. Some Democrats want to destabilize that alliance by presenting the Democratic Party as no less able to be the Party of God than the Republican party. I think what is interesting about Reed Hundt's book is that it sketches an approach to destabilizing that alliance from the other direction.
In his framing, those who are concerned with free markets, competitive success, and free trade should be concerned with the basic inputs into a competitive nation: a well educated population, living under conditions that encourage risk-taking and dynamic learning and adaptation over time. Those who care about the poor and middle class, who care about assuring a level of security and well-being for individuals and families, should also focus away from particular institutional ways of achieving outcomes: like unions or providing healthcare and retirement security through the regulation of long-standing large firms. They should instead focus on outcomes, and, therefore, on the same set of policies that would also encourage entrepreneurship, risk-taking, and dynamic learning and adaptation over time.
The basic question that progressives need to ask of his proposals is, will they deliver a normatively attractive set of capabilities, in Amartya Sen's terms, to Americans, and will they work. Is a safety net that includes all levels of education and life-long education, health, unemployment and retraining insurance, and disaster insurance, enough if coupled with a basic loss of job security in the old sense? The basic set of questions that people concerned with trade and markets should ask is: will this provide a context of innovation, entrepreneurship, and growth. Is a policy that invests heavily in public goods like education and communications networks, that removes considerations of health insurance from impeding labor mobility, that uses development and aid as a mechanism of increasing the extent of the market going to improve American competitiveness in the face of global competition of the kind we are facing? If the answer to both types of questions is “yes,” then a new common ground can be found.
While the details are different, the basic sense that new, networked forms of organization and action, and the centrality of information to economic prosperity offer new ways of thinking about law, markets, firms, and productivity is increasingly common among people working on the emergence of the networked information economy. We have seen in some of these areas that traditional alignments of left and right, big business and civil society organizations fit poorly, and we have seen some very surprising political alliances both within the U.S. and globally. Perhaps that's why I read In China's Shadow as I do.
















"We need, so he argues, to [...], and persist in the profligacies of crony capitalism."
It was a very tantalizing tidbit, Yochai, but I cannot figure out if it is meant as a satire on the free-market bent of Hundt, or a clear headed realization that as we cannot eleminate the profligacies of crony capitalism, we could put them to the best possible use in an outcome-oriented manner. This train of thought may lead to a fascinating set of policies.
September 26, 2006 12:35 PM | Reply | Permalink
Two criticisms:
(1) The politics of getting from here (competitive decline in a vastly unequal economy) to there (entreprenuerial and egalitarian renewal) are much more complex than is sketched out here.
The problem with our modern American business and entrepreneurial class is that they have divorced themselves from the needs of the average American. They have built economic institutions that work great for them (their incomes and wealth are skyrocketing, if you haven't noticed) while minimizing the taxes, public spending, and regulations that enable broadly distributed prosperity.
Why should these people suddenly decide to open their wallets for free, upgraded technical education, wage subsidies, guaranteed health care, public investment in R&D, energy, and infrasstructure, weakened intellectual property rights (which currently provide the huge incomes for many of them), cheap credit for small business (their future competitors?) and all the rest of it?
How, exactly, is that going to work? Sure, we can argue that:
. . . until we are blue in the face (and believe me, progressives have been making this argument in one form or another for decades with no success), but the fundamental fact of our current political-economic predicament is that those with the wealth and income currently can do very well without it, thank you.
So we need to think much, much harder about the politics of getting these kind of proposals on the agenda, which is why I was so concerned in the original thread about the hackneyed anti-government rhetoric.
(2) False dichotomy: why is it either stronger unions/more employment security OR more entrepreneurship? Why not both/and?
I see Reed's proposals as an important part of a new progressive economic agenda (caveats about the 1996 Telecoms Act aside), but, realistically, how many jobs are going to be created this way? And how well will his program work to reduce inequality? Since not everybody is able to or is willing to start their own business (many will fail, unfortunately), it seems to me we need a substantial sector of good, unionized jobs and more employment security too.
Even if workers are not going to be spending their whole careers with the same firm, we need to take steps to ensure employment security through full employment (which may require expanded public investment or direct public job creation, reforms to the Fed, etc.) in addition to the policies Reed suggests - expanded retraining and relocation assistance, wage subsidies, universal portable health care and pension benefits.
September 26, 2006 1:11 PM | Reply | Permalink
I've been struggling with the unions vs. entrepreneurship issue for a couple years now. Unions have a profoundly useful purpose in any economy, and that's to help workers keep the playing field level when they go to the negotiating table with their bosses. These days, folks with a (good) college education are often have enough negotiating power that they really can use the threat of leaving as a bargaining tool to get a better or just execute that threat and find a better deal. In my industry, IT/software, this is the prevailing mentality: just quit and get a better job. And this is true up and down most of the job ladder from entry level all the way to senior executive. Before you dismiss this as the privilege of rich college kids or "management", recall that this is true in many, many office jobs and industries, and as Steve Rose reminds us, there are an awful lot of Americans who make enough money to do this. On the other hand, there are definitely the "unprotected" - anyone who works retail or any sort of unskilled job. These folks have very few possibilites to threaten or execute a job change for leverage. For them, the backstopping of a union is not just nice it's critical. The general aspiration of the public is to "cross the gap" from unskilled to skilled labor, or to have their kids do it. Unions' DNA is composed of protecting unskilled workers from getting a raw deal from management - it's what they've always been there to do. And the precise reason for their decline is that workers that have "crossed the gap" do not bring their unions with them, and do not trust unions. Ask yourself how many people you know that got to go to college because their union household could save for it, yet are weak on unions or anti-union. Unless unions reorient themselves to address this, they'll have a hard time getting broad public support.
The other essential thing you're touching is this. Reed's agenda is basically centered around the DLC's core policy prescription: accept that the industrial economy is giving way to a service/information economy, and try to help workers get ahead in that new economy via market incetivation rather than market restriction. But viewing that as an answer relies on the very rosy view that if we can just get people some education they'll do just fine. That's good as a long-term goalpost, but it's pretty short on what happens between here and there? Can we ever get everyone across the gap, and even if we can, what do we do in the half-century where lots of people are on the unhappy side of it?
I do profoundly support the long-term goal of a competitive, entrepreneurial America, especially one buttressed by social services that keep the commons in good shape: environment, healthcare, social insurance, access to capital etc. And I think Democrats should structure their agenda to keep us moving towards that goal, and not retrench with protection of industry or other dangerous bureaucratic entanglements. But it ain't easy. The Republicans refuse to accept that the gap exists, much less that getting across it requires anything other than personal virtue. Thus their simplistic answers: let the Free Market Fairy take care of people via Competitive Pixie Dust. In doing this, they manage to capture a lot of people's aspirational economic views: that they can and will get a good job, open a business, realize growth in their assets and investments.
Progressives, being realists about this subject, are struggling to bridge that gap. We cannot expect people to buy into our vision of a robust, equitable future if we cannot tap into people aspiration and hopefulness. On the the other hand, we deeply value providing opportunity for all. We must somehow unite these. The DLC's efforts to do this have always veered toward market solutions. While I don't attribute this to the corporatism that others accuse the DLC of, I think they tend to view moderation and Third Way-ism as a policy goal rather than a context-specific response to the politics of the 70s and 80s. Somehow they always want to split the difference a little bit more. On the other hand, there a plenty of unreconstructed progressives who still hold out that Marx's economic sociology can somehow be applied to the 21st century. It cannot. There are many ways to square this circle, and almost all of them involve standing up for the best of government. As I noted in response to Reed's initial post, it's an awfully fine mincing of words to think that the government can offer strong buttressing services and not be "redistributing" income.
Sorry for the long rant - make of it what you will.
September 26, 2006 2:21 PM | Reply | Permalink
There is no reason to expect the "service and information" market to restrict itself to Americans. It doesn't even do that today, and as telecommunications gets better and faster it will be a lot less likely to do that tomorrow. Our job security is always tenuous as long as there are masses of equally educated people of any nationality able to do our jobs, but who will accept much less pay and benefits to do it.
So, until standards of living and pay come much closer to equality around the globe none of us is secure in our jobs. That, in my opinion, is what our leaders need to be working to accomodate. If we had a "social democracy", where having a good paying job was not a necessity for having decent housing, adequate food and clothing, and good health care, the problem would largely solve itself. So, I see the real problem as being how to get there from here, and remain there in a rapidly changing economy.
An economy where all of the benefits go to less than 1% of the population is not ever going to cut it. So, something that more equally distributes wealth in the nation is essential, and progressive income taxes have always worked pretty well to do that.
Hoppy in Sacramento
September 26, 2006 3:08 PM | Reply | Permalink
I regret that I still see nothing new here at all, and very little of interest.
Unfortunately, the danger that the Soviet threat posed was the politicization of the economy and the creation of a military industrial complex which, or all its accomplishment, produced very little. So the notion of yet another national policy based on xenophobia and paranoia politicizing the economy, pre-selecting winners and then guaranteeing the victory of those winners, no matter what, is hardly endearing.
And the United States is not already an entrepreneurial, risk-taking society competing in the global knowledge economy?
Was this intended to be a meaningful prescription. Or did a set of buzzwords take on a life of their own.
How entrepreneurial can a society afford to be? How much risk should a society undertake? How many chucks should a woodchuck chuck, if a woodchuck would chuck wood?
Assuming that the United States is not sufficiently entrepreneurial and risk taking, why not? Was it once sufficiently entrepeneurial, and has gotten all stodgy? If so, why? And if that's the case, are Reed's solutions meaningful?
Or is this simply a situation of 'pray harder'? The answers are revealed truth, and if they aren't working out yet in real life, then the answer is not to go back and rethink... but just keep doing what you're doing, harder, longer, louder, faster until you succeed (or collapse).
Laudable, but hardly revolutionary. And in truth, the short term trends all seem to be going the other way. Everyone gives lip service to a highly educated well trained work force... And in fact, some employers are motivated by just such a thing. But no one wants to pay for it.
The mobility of capital and investment means that it is simplest to move to a region whose demographics, whether slave labour or highly trained, fit your needs. There's no particular incentive to create those conditions. The Entrepreneurial, risk taking society is eating its seed corn, but frankly, that's the best, short term, immediate solution. And frankly, if you want to be competitive, then you can't afford to do anything else.
So, Reed's proscription here, much as we'd both like to see a better world, is just another recipe for eating the seed corn.
This sort of rhetoric was becoming stale and empty in the 1980's. I don't see it as terribly realistic or profound. So, fifty year old steelworkers or stockbrokers can just go back, start all over again, re-educate, retrain and then do what? Start all over again. Doing what? You want fries with that?
Is Entrepreneurialism the only thing? We're all going to get rich selling each other hats? I'm sorry, I come from a hardscrabble entrepreneurial family. The reality of entrepreneurialism is that people work like dogs, have no security at all, and 90% fail within five years. That's just the way it works.
These proscriptions seem like a recipe for an endless merry go round of creative destruction, a continual changing of hats, dipping into and out of the job market like fish, assuming that jobs like those fish, are fundamentally interchangeable despite requiring skill sets. Last week I was a computer programmer, but in five years I'll be a brain surgeon, and two years after that a carpenter. Human beings are to be free electrons bouncing around in self creating molecules of infrastructure.
With all due respect, I'm glad that you read the book and find something worthy in it.
But your monologue fails to persuade. I see in it, only the endlessly repeated buzzwords of a bygone era, its promises hollow. I appreciate the attempt to cobble a hoary load of cliches together as a raison d'etre of progressive reform and social renewal. But ultimately, my question is the same as yours...
For all this vision, what does it amount to in real terms. These grand utopian principles, these buzzwords, what exactly does it come down to when the pedal hits the medal, when you're on the ground floors and front lines? When Mister Reality comes through the front door, takes off his shoes and decides to set a spell?
How is this not simply more of the same old same old? And does the wrinkle that 'Oooh the chinese are gonna get us!' really juice up a prescription that on its own merits is tired and not particularly working?
September 26, 2006 3:10 PM | Reply | Permalink
I think you make some very good points. But the sentence at the end caught my eye...
As I noted in response to Reed's initial post, it's an awfully fine mincing of words to think that the government can offer strong buttressing services and not be "redistributing" income.
I think the major problem is the US government has been redistributing the wealth...upwards. We keep on hearing about how deregulation and giving corporations tax breaks will benefit the American people with good paying, long term, job growth. I haven't seen anything close to that kind of outcome. So right now the only thing being accomplished is an upward wealth distribution with the middle class and the poor shouldering that burden...
September 26, 2006 3:15 PM | Reply | Permalink
There was a study done a few years ago which showed that the greater the concentration of wealth at the top was, the less healthy and competitive, globally, the economy of the country was.
Given that this country has gone for competing globally, it would seem obvious that we ahould pay attention to this information.
September 26, 2006 3:45 PM | Reply | Permalink
Again, good points, and good questions. I'm not sure I am absolutely opposed to unions in high tech, particularly in high tech companies beyond a certain size -- a side issue being the national desirability of mergers & acquisitions; there seems very little interest in antitrust these days. OTOH, I have not yet heard a coherent argument, from a union representative, on how they could be useful and meaningful in an environment that will neither support seniority being the main selector for advancement, nor rigid job descriptions that make me wait for an electrician to pull a cable that I participated in designing. Really, I'm open to hear it; I just haven't seen it.
With some large companies, in a relatively boom period, they will usefully practice "intrapreneurship", in which employees create subsidiaries within the overall structure, without the market volatility demanded by venture capitalists, but more flexibility than the regular corproration allows. Unfortunately, when I was in one large high-tech firm that did this for a while, when the boom busted, they continued a parody of creating spinoffs. They created undercapitalized, inadequately thought-out subsidiaries that were not viable, but reduced headcount.
I've spent a lot of time doing adult education, although I define myself as an engineer who teaches and writes, not a trainer. What do we do with, for example, the person that takes a basic networking or computer class, and is utterly lost? Sometimes, it may be a lack of specific skills, and that can be fixed. I do believe in the idea of multiple intelligences, but what do you do with someone who does not have the type of abstract reasoning needed in information technology, does have quite a bit of spatial/athletic ability but not enough for the pros, and other abilities that are not "self-sustaining"? Some are lucky to create, or have created, the job mix that uses their unique sets of abilities.
What do you do with the person that isn't motivated to study, or to look much beyond day labor? This is motivation rather than intelligence; I've known some brilliant day laborers. In some cases, the short-term focus had to do with substance abuse, but in other cases, I never could see a reason.
--
Howard
*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*
September 26, 2006 4:01 PM | Reply | Permalink
I think I understand Reed Hundts view. He's really arguing for nothing more than a return to Clintonism, and the completion of the Clinton program. It's just more of the same old Third Way, neoliberal market worship we had in the nineties. The mantra of the Clinton era was “change”. the idea was that we are all supposed to embrace and learn to love the idea that we are fatalistically doomed to living in a lightning-paced world where we have to change our jobs every few years, change our "careers" just as frequently and move several times from one part of the country to another.
In order to play the role of well-machined parts in the chaotic ever-changing economic machine, a machine that has miraculously transcended any susceptibility to real human control, we constantly have to be retooled, or retrained (never actually "reeducated", or even educated to begin with). To compensate for the constant insecurity, dislocation and episodic unemployment, we get to have a wonderful "social safety net". The safety net is there so that when we fall off the roller coaster, the economic Leviathan can scoop us up in its jaws and reinsert us into some new car.
We also get to have gobs of craptastic American consumer stuff in this world. This proves that our "standard of living" is rising.
The trajectory of this rocket to the future actually lands us in a debased form of human existence that continually pulls spouse apart from spouse, parent from child, friend from friend and neighbor from neighbor. It is a brave new world in which all human relationships are built to be transient. Their are few real vocations - just jobs - and nothing that builds depth and rootedness and enduring bonds. Your identity consists of nothing more than can be packed in a U-Haul. Home isn’t where the heart is, or the place where your life-long friends live - there aren't any of those. It's just a house that you speculate in, and cohabit with your probably very temporary spouse and temporary children.
I never thought I would see so many Democrats gushing over this dehumanizing go-go capitalism, with its radical deregulation, “creative destruction”, easy money, rampant speculation and hucksterism, and all the other quick buck, socially indifferent wonders upon which it is built.
The Telecom Act … that’s the one that helped give us that world class, watchdog media we all admire so much, right. The media that revealed the truth, keep us out of Iraq, and saved all those soldiers' lives, right? It opened up the competitive waters so well that 5 huge fish gobbled up everyone else.
And hear this: according to the market gurus, there is absolutely, positively no choice about any of this, you see. We just have to become mechanized, deracinated consumers of sensation and nothingness, because we must maintain our competitiveness. It's those damn Chinese - there the ones to blame if anyone is! We'll have to remember to retool ourselves into defense workers, so we can build a lot fancy new bombs and death rays and incendiaries and giant floating murder factories. We'll need to fight a war in the not-to-distant future, and creatively destroy those yellow bastards - and then very progressively transform the survivors into Democrats. Man, there is nothing like a common enemy to make me feel all warm and unified with my fellow Americans. My life will have purpose again. Thank you Mr. Hundt!
I’m no economist, but I just don’t beleive people were meant to live this way. There has to be some way we can build a society around enduring, sustainable communities, and reverse the trends that are turning us all into parts sold for our labor, and shipped around the country like so many UPS parcels. When are "progressive" economic intellectuals going to tell us how we can get the kinds of lives we really want, rather the kind of life the Great Market God demands that we have.
September 26, 2006 8:39 PM | Reply | Permalink
And What did Europe do Under America's shadow?
For what it's worth since I am now in business importing products and materials from China, one of the reasons that the quality of China's products have imporoved:
They buy machines from Germany and Italy.
September 26, 2006 9:23 PM | Reply | Permalink