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Cuba and the Israel/Palestinian Conflict: The Two Insoluables?

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Two of the intractable problems internationally that have been boiling over into domestic politics for years are the relationship between the U.S. and Cuba and the Israeli/Palestinian conflict. Now, with Castro ailing, it looks like there might be some movement regarding Cuba, and that could leave the Israeli-Palestinian issue as the insolvable, well into the 21st Century--or is there some hope on this front too? Even in this bleak time, as war between Israel and Lebanon continues, there are some signs that point toward a possible way forward for Israel and the Palestinians--but (and I probably sound like a broken record on this one) only with sustainable and real, serious--really serious--U.S. involvement.

I was in Ramallah last week where I met with Qadora Fares, who was a member of the Palestinian legislature from Ramallah until the recent Hamas sweep.

In an office on a quiet side street, I sat down for an interview with him. He asked if I'd like him to speak in Hebrew. (He became fluent during his 14-year internment in Israeli prisons, but my Hebrew isn't nearly as good, so we continued in English). Fares heads up two not-for-profits: the Palestinian Prisoners Club, which he founded when he was imprisoned, and the Palestinian Council for Development, Dialogue, and Democracy.

Fares is a leader of Fatah's young guard. The group built its power around the first Palestinian intifada between 1987 and 1993, and is often in political disagreement with the older Fatah leadership that formed around Arafat and now surrounds Abbas. The camps are separated by issues of tactics, transparency and democracy. He's also known as one of the closest political actors to jailed Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti.

Now 44, Fares is slight, bespectacled and soft-spoken. As a former prisoner, he is held in certain regard. (He was released along with other prisoners as part of the Cairo Agreement, which came about because of the Oslo Accords.) "There are 700,000 Palestinians who have been arrested in the last 40 years," he told me. Speaking of the Palestinians currently in prison, which number close to 10,000, he added, "They are fighters, and they are suffering in the Israeli jails."

The fate of the incarcerated Palestinians has moved front and center in the current crisis that began with the kidnapping of Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, abducted from just inside Israel's border with Gaza on June 25, ostensibly to be traded for Palestinian prisoners. In fact, I went to meet with Fares to discuss Palestinian prisoners and the document that some of them penned: the National Conciliation Document of the Prisoners, which sets principles for negotiating with Israel. Five inmates of Israel's Hadarim prison signed the document in mid-May and finalized it at the end of June. They represented the five main Palestinian factions, including Hamas and Islamic Jihad.

Immediately after the signing, Abbas embraced the document and began a "national dialogue" aimed at winning across-the-board Palestinian support for new talks with Israel. Hamas tried to stall in Gaza, sensing a challenge to its hard-line leadership. In late June, as Abbas's effort started bearing fruit, Meshal stole the thunder with the abduction of Shalit. After that, Hezbollah began its actions on Israel's northern border and the document fell to the background.

Fares, however, insists that the "document has huge support from the public. It's the first step to unite Palestinians and to prepare for a new government and new messages that the international community can live with.... The importance of this document is that Hamas said we should build a state on the 1967 borders for the first time.... The Israelis should not read this agreement by Israeli eyes. As Fatah, it took us more than 20 years to make a change; with Hamas, it takes five months." "The prisoners became more pragmatic than the leaders on the outside," Fares said. "Just like those in the Diaspora are more extreme and just like former Israeli army officers feel peace and are more courageous, the prisoners are more courageous and feel they have full legitimacy."

There are several possible scenarios coming out of the current crisis between Israel and Lebanon, and Israel and the Palestinians in Gaza. One is that there is a national unity government formed between Fatah and Hamas that allows the Palestinians a government that the U.S. and Israel will both deal with. Secondly, there could be renewed efforts, on the part of Israel, to desire something with the Palestinians that can be verifiable regarding Israel's security needs--and whether that is something called 'negotiations,' or 'coordination,' or something else, the time may very well be ripe for the U.S. to push the parties together.

Barghouti is a key player in a scenario that will end the conflict (and someone whom Hamas supporters also respect), or even create a sustainable lull acceptable to both sides. But for any real movement to happen, the U.S. will have to be present--and the Bush Administration will have to take off their own ideological blindfolds to be deal brokers.


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Jo-Ann - I have very high hopes for the Prisoners Document. If Israel and the U.S nuture this approach it sure seems to me to be a basis for negotiations. Rather than react negatively to the ambiguities in the document as many of my Israeli friends and relatives have, it's important to hold discussions and flesh out these issues.

For Israels long term viability it simply MUST get peace agreements with all the Arab nations, including Palestine.

P.S. My Hebrew is crappy also which causes me no end of embarassment every time I'm in Israel.

There is absolutely no comparison between the  problem we have with Cuba and the one with Israel.  Totally different and of incredibly different magnitudes.  The Cuba "problem" is entirely of our own making and can be corrected in a few months anytime we wish to do so.  Our only real hang up there is that we don't wish to solve that trivial problem.

Israel is a real problem, one that doesn't offer much in the way of possible solutions, and no solution that I have heard of that has the sllghtest chance of success.  While America is a part of that problelm, we are only a small part, and I know of nothing we can do that would solve the problem. 

Hoppy in Sacramento

JoAnn -- why do you think this is so?? 

The prisoners became more pragmatic than the leaders on the outside," Fares said

Thanks for the report. Good to hear some locals are looking for another approach. 

I abandoned ANY hope that USA can play a constructive role in the Middle East. The current administration represents people who enjoy vicariously being as tough as they think America should be --- this is how I read the enthusiasm of people like Bush, Cheney and Rumsfeld for neo-con rationalisations, as well as the enthusiasm of our religious right (railing against homosexuals is not nearly enough, world-wide diabolic threat is sorely needed, and currently this is Islam).

Democrats come in two flavors -- some, like Lieberman, share the outlook of the right wing on ME matters. Others are thoroughly cowed. Recall flack that Hillary Clinton got for being civil to Arafat's wife, or that Howard Dean got because we uttered words "we should be even-handed". Even-handedness was aclaimed to be an anti-Israeli, if not anti-Semitic codeword. Such Democrats may push toward peaceful solutions and negotiations, but delicately so, and not against determined Israel's opposition --- opposition that would be promptly magnified by big sectors of our media and political sphere.

No Democrat with ambitions on national scale will crusade against death penalty, or against ridiculously high prison sentences, or for "evenhandedness" on Middle East matters. The punishment for daring in those matters is so high that other, more realistic priorities will win the day. In 5 years the political climate may be altered, but right now, demagogic scripts rule. Say, two Israeli governments and one complete presidential cycle in USA. Then again, may be not. The sane people of Israel are on their own.

I sincerely hoped that the modest re-alignment engineered by Sharon will lead some fruits in the peace process, but now it does not seems so, and I understand Jo-Ann's lack of confidence that Israel can proceed with peace process without American help. But this is the only way.

Simple irishkg. Those on the outside still thought they had to prove their manhood, those on the inside, by their imprisonment, felt they already had. When your mother still carries the key to the house she fled on the day of Partition, that matters.

I have great faith in Marwan Baghouti and the Prisoners' Document, but I think Israel is years away from the kind of sanity and self-preserving common sense the country will need to take advantage of either. I disagree, however, that the U.S. needs to be a part of this process. The sooner Israel realizes that the U.S. is a failed hyperpower -- if not a failed state -- the sooner they'll start facing the bitter realities of their situation.

Tom Segev has an interesting piece in today's Haaretz in which he writes:

This process of Americanization has led Israel in recent years to covet a role in what Bush has described as a war on the "axis of evil."

As such, Israel has adopted the moral values of Hezbollah: Whatever they are doing to the residents of northern Israel, we can also do to the citizens of Lebanon, and even more.
......................
......................
If Europe had some say in the region, Israel may have started negotiations with Hezbollah on the release of the soldiers it abducted - and hopefully, it still will do so - instead of getting mixed up in war. For some years now, more Middle East-related wisdom emanates from Europe than from the United States. It wasn't Europe but the United States that invented the diplomatic fable called the road map; it wasn't Europe but the United States that encouraged unilateral disengagement and is allowing Israel to continue oppressing the population in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. The United States is not engaged with Syria; Europe is. Syria is relevant not only for settling the situation in Lebanon, but also in managing relations with the Palestinians. This is the real problem. Because, even if the United States conquers Tehran, we will still have to live with the Palestinians. In Europe, they already understand this.

I ask because the standard point in Iraq stories is that all the Iraqis imprisoned and all the mistreatment is creating more people who will fight the US. What Jo-Ann reports is the opposite of Iraq and even some of what we read about US prisons where prisoners can get"worse" inside.

Ms. Mort says:

In fact, I went to meet with Fares to discuss Palestinian prisoners and the document that some of them penned: the National Conciliation Document of the Prisoners, which sets principles for negotiating with Israel.

I'd like to read this document and more about the background.  Is it on the net anywhere?  Can someone provide a link?  Thanks in advance.

aMike

Why would anyone give an "Excellent" rating to a comment evidencing nothing much more than the commenter's laziness? See, here and here.

Just asking.

"...I think Israel is years away from the kind of sanity and self-preserving common sense the country will need to take advantage of either."

Agreed. But the Segev piece is one more example of why this is so; it releases the Israelis from responsibility for their own actions. Are they the children to be led by either Europe or the US? We're told often enough that the Israelis unlike the barbarians that surround them, are an 'enlightened' people. Isn't that why so many defend them? Or is it simply paranoia on the one hand and guilt on the other.

Well , he got you to do the work for him. That seems excellent.

:-)

I gave it as a thanks for asking because I knew it would show up here and I'd like to read. Thanks for providing it.

It is one of the way I use of ratings, learly confusing but it is what I do.   Lazy yes but I see it as efficient since readers here help one another. In other instances I do the "research."

Thank you for providing the links 

aMike

You're right, they are not "moral children" but I think they are in a paradoxical situation by which acting in their self-defense is unlikely to actually contribute to their own security. The ME is crying for some kind of external checks on its own internal dynamics, which are completely destructive. There is simply very little that the direct actors can do at this point in their own self-interest.

That is why the studied neglect of the Bush administration is plain and simple madness, or criminal insanity or something else I am not even interested in psychoanalyzing. Be as it may, in factual terms it's a particularly repulsive variety of criminal negligence. It's not quite fiddling while Rome burns -- recall that Nero started the fire, too.

Just one preemptive quibble: What's so intractable, especially internationally, about Cuba? I would say that, considering that it's a fundamentally peaceful country, open to the tourist and foreign trades with any country that cares to have normal relations with it (and that's every country minus 2, as far as I know), I see very little intractability in Cuba's international relations.

Cuba's human rights record is dismal of course -- hardly something that makes Cuba's very existence more intractable than, say, Pakistan or Egypt or China.

The intractable problem with Cuba survives only in U.S. domestic politics, and is entirely a product of Cold War fanaticism. In fact, it exists only in Florida politics. Poll after poll has shown the vast majority of the US public is ready to have normal relations with Cuba regardless of Castro's health conditions.

Thanks to all those who commented on my post. Regarding where to find the prisoners' document, I see that someone pointed the readers/commenters to the JMCC website-always a good website for information from the Palestinian side. Regarding the question of why the prisoners among the Palestinians may be more 'pragmatic,' or 'realistic,' as Qadora Farest told me, the only thing that I can surmise is that because of who they are--Barghouti especially--they understand how to deal realistically with a situation. Part of the problem, I believe, among the Palestinians has been the narrative created by decades of refugees who tell their public that they will come back in full to Israel. This isn't realistic at all. Those Palestinians who were born in the West Bank--and someone like Barghouti who led the struggle from there, seem set on making a deal.

Sure, if you define anything Israel does which undermines its security as "self-defense" then its acts of "self-defense" have the paradoxical effect you describe. But that seems to take definitional liberty with the concept of "self-defense".

If it is true that Israel is engaged in actions which it believes constitute self-defense, and as a consequence of those actions it in fact undermines its security, the problem is tactical, and suggests a pressing need for better political and military leadership.

Unfortunately, that may in fact be the case. I was discussing the tactics Israel is using in Lebanon with a friend, and asked who would have chosen Israel's tactics against Hezbollah in Lebanon. He responded, "It had to be an air force officer, as only an air force officer would tell you that you can win this type of conflict primarily through air power." I am inclined to give that assessment considerable weight given that my friend is an air force officer.

*sigh* You may be right, and running into a classic conflict between air and ground forces. Thinking about it, your friend may be picking up on some trends in Israeli thinking. Without getting into the gritty details, ground forces want support when they are potentially in trouble, or creating trouble for the other side. If they can't get what the US and NATO call close air support (CAS), they want things that are immediately responsive to them, such as artillery, rockets, tactical missiles, and possibly army-flown helicopters.

Both sides agree a little more, although not completely, if the enemy offers a threat from its own aircraft, on the need for defensive counter-air, which essentially means putting fighters over your own troops. If the air side won't do that, the army wants more antiaircraft.

The classical air response is if they do more offensive counter-air (OCA), there won't be a problem with the other side's CAS because the enemy won't have the capability. OCA involves attacking the enemy's airfields and support facilities, aviation fuel and ammunition, and aggressively hunting enemy aircraft in their own space.

Classical air theorists argue that battlefield air interdiction (BAI) also obviates the need for CAS. BAI attacks the military support well behind enemy lines -- supply depots, bridges, roads, major headquarters, etc. It is complemented by strategic air attack against national command centers, manufacturing, electrical and other utilities, communications, etc.

Israel has never been enthused with CAS, and indeed hasn't wanted most of the aircraft the US designed for CAS. The 1967 preemptive attack on the Egyptian and Syrian airfields was classic OCA. Assuming the attacks on Beirut International are cutting off shipments of rockets, that's BAI. Attacks against the Lebanese electrical system, dual-use civilian targets, etc., is strategic. Your friend's observations are consistent with this.

Most militaries would assume directly engaging enemy rockets and artillery is CAS when aircraft do it, but the trend in the US and NATO is to use radar-controlled cannon and rockets, directly responsive to ground commanders, for counterbattery. A good counterbattery system can have fire in the air before the enemy shell or rockets hit. Unless a tactical aircraft is directly over the launcher, which may be driving away within 30-90 seconds, the aircraft may be too late.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*


I ask because the standard point in Iraq stories is that all the Iraqis imprisoned and all the mistreatment is creating more people who will fight the US. What Jo-Ann reports is the opposite of Iraq and even some of what we read about US prisons where prisoners can get"worse" inside.


I don't think there's necessarily a contradiction. In Northern Ireland, it is commonly understood that the policy of internment in the early 70s was a PR disaster for the British and swelled the ranks of youth willing to join the IRA. Those new recruits were coming from people (a) who had been interned - for relatively short periods and (b) people who knew people (friends, relatives) who had been interned and were outraged on their behalf.

That doesn't mean that some others who were imprisoned, perhaps for longer periods, didn't realize in the time they had to reflect that they weren't doing themselves (or the cause) any favors by languishing inside. All the Sinn Fein leaders would have had time interned behind bars. (As a meaningless aside I once shared a table in a West Belfast bar with Danny Morrison former Sinn Fein assembly member, as he and another former internee (my friend's uncle Colm) reminisced about their internment time together. I should say my feelings about Morrison - he had by that time served a long prison sentence for conspiracy to murder - made it a rather uncomfortable experience for me).

For another example, there is no doubt that the existence of Gitmo enflames opinion across the Muslim world. But we shouldn't assume that those men who are actually spending time inside are actually going to take up arms (again?) against the US should they get their freedom.

In Iraq and in Palestine it is probably best to distinguish between those people picked up and harrassed by the occupying forces for a short time, and those who are spending large portions of their lives behind bars.

In summary, an oppressive and apparently discriminatory policy of repression against an occupied populace can both serve to inflame the community at large, while having a different perhaps sobering effect on the individuals particularly affected.

I asked the question to get an  answer or a discussion about why there is a difference.

What are the factors and what is the influence of length of stay, background of those imprisoned, how they are treated, and so on? Or maybe these leaders are unaffected by time in prison and were heading in this direction having been involved in the fight for a long time.

Having a better understanding of how these leaders got to where they are should provide some insight as to how to deal with them most effectively. I am looking to see some depth of understanding about opponents. They are not cardboard characters with labels such as terrorist, as I often read in the statement of government officials, but people with depth.

Jo-Ann, I am not sure why there is such a fetish for US involvement, when historically the peace treaties (and other agreements) between Israel and Arab countries have come about without it. The two peace treaties that Israel has - with Egypt and Jordan - did not involve any US involvement. They were negotiated in secret between the parties and only brought to the US when everything had been worked out. The US was asked to be the guarantor, but did not participate in any of the negotiations.

The "Prisoners Document" like the "Geneva Initiative" are nothing substantive; they are pure PR which will lead nowhere. Once there is a true desire on the Arab part to have peace with Israel, and to accept Israel's existence in the Middle East, such discussions will take place away from the limelight and away from the US - which has interests of its own that do not always line up with Israel's, even in peace negotiations.

Or maybe these leaders are unaffected by time in prison and were heading in this direction having been involved in the fight for a long time.

Part of it could be indirectly related to time spent in prison - someone who spends 10 years in prison, is (obviously) going to be 10 years older when they get out. That also means they may be 10 years wiser.

Someone who is interned only for a month or two will not of course have had the same time to potentially mature.

Another way of looking at it. 

Consider prison is a form of "selecting" the best leaders, best in that the enemy most wants these particular people in prison. In sports lingo in this environment prisoners are really an all-star team. Outside of prison they were the leaders in their own realms and competed with one another. In prison they are all-stars who learn to work together, so imprisonment helps them to be more effective.  Gee that makes prison look like a bad solution.

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