Fukuyama Revisited
You may recall that after reading Francis Fukuyama's New York Times Magazine essay, I thought his "new ideas" sounded a lot like the old ideas of liberal internationalism. Dan Drezner reports that in the book length version, Fukuyama writes (on page 215, or so the legend says) "What I have labeled realistic Wilsonianism could be alternatively described as a hard-headed liberal internationalism." So we agree. There probably have been liberal internationalists with mushy heads, but I don't think anyone's ever advocated mushy-headed liberal internationalism so this doesn't amount to much of a dispute.
Not that there's anything wrong with that! Liberal internationalism is a good thing.















I do worry that in chortling so soon, we miss a key element in the right's newest strategy. Even Krugman the other day, in simply pointing out that conservative attacks on Bush disguise their own past behavior, missed it. It's not just that they're distancing themselves from the consequences of past behavior, although that's certainly the case, and we may even welcome their newfound distance. Rather, it's that they're trying to create a history that falsely justifies a supposed true conservativism unlike Bush's.
It's perhaps most obvious with Bartlett, who claims to be describing a Reagan conservative, who'd cut spending and regulation, as opposed to a phony conservative like Bush who increases both, as with No Child Left Behind. One could argue that it mistakenly appeals to the aura surrounding Reagan, who in fact had to back off tax cuts and deal with Gorbachev. But again more important, it misses how much Bush's lunacy really does stick to the disastrous line of a Reagan conservative.
It's obvious in the foreign policy Fukuyama claims to critique, with the Neocons who crafted the invasion of Iraq ressurected after Iran Contra. Economically, Bush's deficit is not the result of a sudden liberal spending urge, but of a war and of tax cuts founded very much on Reagan's voodoo economics, benefitting the same corporate elite. Bartlett compares Bush to Nixon, who created the EPA, whereas Bush keeps gutting environmental protections. No Child Left Behind is a conservative attempt to seize the high ground on education without actually funding education, with the false appeal to testing in the hope that old right-wing mantras of values and competition alone can do the job.
I say all this only because they really are again "framing" things, even if it takes massive lying. Welcoming their contradictions, chaos, and similarity to liberalism masks how much we still have to fight for our vision and our frame.
John
http://www.haberarts.com/
March 12, 2006 11:34 AM | Reply | Permalink
Liberal internationalism IS a good thing, and it's something that the vast majority of Dems who care about foreign policy could agree on the basic outline of.
So I'm kinda mystified about why the Dems don't seem to have a foreign policy they can enunciate, when it's quite clear even without reading Fukayama what its basics have to be: a belief in democracy and human rights; a realization that while they should be strongly promoted, military force has only limited applicability to the task; a strong opposition to nuclear proliferation; a desire to reduce poverty and improve education around the world; and an awareness that any foreign policy, even this one, occasionally needs to be backed by the blunt instrument of military force.
March 12, 2006 11:42 AM | Reply | Permalink
Vast majority? Evidence? Some non-negligable fraction of Democrats in the public at least are realists or isolationists.
I for one as a realist consider liberal internationalism about as suspsect as neoconservatism.
March 12, 2006 12:45 PM | Reply | Permalink
RT,
Where is the internationalism in the liberal internationalism you purport to describe here?
March 12, 2006 6:15 PM | Reply | Permalink
Agreed, but one problem with articulating that common-sense liberal internationalist philosophy (to which you should add a commitment to international institutions and mutually beneficial treaties and international law) is that a philosophy needs to be articulated in opposition to something. Otherwise it comes off sounding like pablum. Who's against a commitment to promoting democracy? Even Bush claims to subscribe to this goal.
One way to describe the difference between the Democratic and the Bush Admin approaches to foreign policy would be to talk about the return to normalcy or sanity, or a commitment to expertise and competence. For example, check out the recent Rolling Stone piece on the Millennium Challenge Corporation. It's a pathetic failure for all the same reasons that all the other Bush foreign aid initiatives have been pathetic failures: they set up an all-new program, rather than working through established systems, hence creating wasteful duplication and pointless learning curves; they (under)staffed it with political cronies and people from the business sector with no relevant experience; and they refused to work with international or even other American organizations. What was supposed to be a $5 billion/year program has awarded $1.2 billion in 3 years. Exactly the same thing has happened with the President's Emergency Program to Fight AIDS (PEPFAR). It happens because these are essentially political patronage programs aimed at getting maximum PR credit for the President, not real programs designed to be effective. And the same kind of thing has been happening across the board in domestic programs as well - the Office of Faith-Based Initiatives, DHS, Medicare Plan IV, and so on.
So while reiterating a classic liberal internationalist philosophy would be good, it needs to be done in a way that ties it in with a coherent critique of current US policy approaches. I think something along the lines of competence, integrity, experience, and keeping one's commitments might be a good place to start.
March 12, 2006 7:21 PM | Reply | Permalink
BTW, for a fantastic perspective on how understandings of the Cold War play into current US attitudes towards foreign policy, read Tony Judt's scathing review of John Lewis Gaddis's new "The Cold War: A New History" in the NY Review of Books:
http://www.nybooks.com/articles/18793
March 12, 2006 8:41 PM | Reply | Permalink
Thanks for the referral--that was one worthy read!
March 12, 2006 10:21 PM | Reply | Permalink
Yes. The review (linked to above) is excellent. I'll take anyone over the current crowd of thugs, but the "Liberal Internationalists" so eager to throw American military weight around, oh so realistically, ought to consider the results of our past excursions in toto. Not a pretty picture, and it suggests a reconsideration is in order, and not just a return to the good ol days of JFK and Clinton. Bush's policy is a failure, but we ought to remember that we are in the conflict that he is so hideously bungling because 50 years worth of administrations have put us on the world's shit list, and deprived us of any real allies.
March 12, 2006 11:21 PM | Reply | Permalink
While some American citizens may support Isolationism among people in government of both parties isn't the dispute more of nuance and the way the United States leads? The biggest distinction between Bill Clinton and George W. Bush seem far less about ends than about means. Bush's approach has been to go it largely alone and to ignore alternative voices. Clinton recognizes that the United States can't do everything alone so he supports strong multi-national institutions to act either with or instead of the United States.
George H.W. Bush was as much a multi-nationalist and globalist as Clinton, but more pessimistic in what could be accomplished. Thus Scrowcroft's realism is the same view that Conservatiives have at home. Limited change can be made incrementally but large scale governmental programs designed to change societies are doomed to failure. Clinton being more the liberal optimist was more willing to wade into such "nation building" efforts.
What Fukuyama seems to demonstrate is the neo-cons naivite. Punching the bully early, as the neo-cons "Munich" model suggests, will not always solve internatonal problems and democracy is not the default government without a lot more work creating liberal societies.
Daniel A. Greenbaum
March 13, 2006 5:04 AM | Reply | Permalink