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Freedom House Says Rights Council "Unsatisfactory"

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Freedom House, the esteemed human rights organization, ordered out of Uzbekistan yesterday by the Karimov government for its democracy work, yesterday expressed its "disappointment" with the General Assembly's compromise proposal for a Human Rights Council.   The organization's announcement falls short of rejecting the compromise,  but makes a compelling case for why the alternative "falls far short."
The press statement follows. 


PRESS RELEASE

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

 

Contact: Amanda Abrams, 202-747-7035

 

Draft Text Establishing UN Human Rights Council Unsatisfactory, US Engagement Required

March 6, 2006 -- The draft resolution to establish a United Nations Human Rights Council, presented recently by UN General Assembly President Jan Eliasson, is more than a disappointment.  Its adoption by the General Assembly will constitute an enormous missed opportunity for the international community – one that may not come again for many years.

 

The text prepared by Ambassador Eliasson has been hailed by many governments and human rights organizations as the best compromise that could be found among the United Nations’ 191 member states.  It may well be precisely that, but the document clearly falls far short of creating the small standing body composed of appropriate countries that was initially envisioned by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in his March 2005 report, “In Larger Freedom: Towards Development, Security and Human Rights For All.”

 

All involved should be clear-eyed and honest in assessing the fruits of long months of hard-fought negotiations.  The draft resolution simply does not go far enough to ensure that governments that are the world’s worst human rights offenders are kept off of the Council.  After all, it is the recurring presence of countries such as Libya , Cuba , China , Belarus , Zimbabwe , Pakistan , Belarus and Egypt on the existing Human Rights Commission that has helped it earn the contemptible reputation it enjoys today.

 

The Commission has justifiably become an object of derision, rather than a source of pride for those who believe in the ideals contained in the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Courageous human rights defenders from around the world too often find themselves subjected to interrogation and obstruction by member states at the Commission.  The world’s democracies are often unable to carry the day in Commission deliberations, settling for tepid resolutions on human rights violations or, more often, no diplomatic action at all.

 

Secretary General Annan’s proposal that members of the Council be elected by a 2/3 vote of the General Assembly – so that egregious human violators could more easily be excluded – was lost in the negotiating process. Although the current text includes language encouraging members to elect only those states “with strong human rights records,” there is no concrete mechanism preventing notorious human rights violators from sitting on the Council.   Although the Secretary General called for a smaller, more nimble Council, the text provides for a Council of 47 members meeting for a minimum of only ten weeks annually – not much different from the Commission’s 53 members meeting for six weeks every year.

 

We also find troubling the vague language which may allow governments to limit non-governmental participation in the Council to that which they deem to constitute “the most effective contribution.”   We fear that repressive governments, who have previously attempted to block participation of groups like Freedom House, Reporters without Borders and the Transnational Radical Party, will try to make future NGO activities conditional on what they define as most effective.    

 

Responsibility for this disappointing outcome is widely shared by many members of the UN General Assembly. Some governments, such as those of China , Cuba and Pakistan , have played the role of determined spoilers, working assiduously to derail proposals that would establish a genuinely improved Council. More troubling, however, are democratically elected governments, who purport to support human rights, but who have failed to use their moral authority to improve the document.   What the great British statesman Edmund Burke once noted about individuals – "All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing" – can now be said of a number of the world’s democracies who did little to try to ensure that the new Council would be an improvement over the past.     

 

We hope to be pleasantly surprised by a Human Rights Council that works better than its predecessor, that does more that is useful for those who are working to expose and improve atrocious human rights conditions around the world.   In order for this to happen, the world’s leading democracies, and all those who are serious about their stated desire to remain members of the Community of Democracies, must increase their diplomatic involvement in the present negotiations about the shape of the Council. They must also resolve – and begin preparations now – to become deeply engaged in the eventual elections for the Council and in shaping the precedents that will govern its work. Withdrawal from the process, withholding contributions, or abandoning the United Nations as an institution will only bolster the weight of those who are opposed to the realization of fundamental human rights for all people, as guaranteed in the Universal Declaration of  Human Rights.  

 

Regardless of precisely how good or bad the enabling resolution is for the new Human Rights Council, Freedom House urges the United States Government and other leading democracies to plan now to be fully committed to strengthening the Council and the United Nations’ contribution to the defense of human rights and the expansion of freedom.

 


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Yet another dismal failure on the part of the United Nations.  At what point do we give up on this train wreck?

At least some NGO's and governments are standing up for Human Rights and not seeking the "negotiated solution."

I've always assumed that Human Rights were not negotiable, but in the UN everything is, apparently.

I don't agree with the administration much, but in this instance they are right to fight against the "best compromise" that can be had in the UN. They may not be consistent, but in this case they are right.

I'm trying hard to care about these negotiations, but I simply can't take them very seriously. How can anyone expect any sort of meaningful reform to come out of them when the "good guys" are openly running Guantanamo and covertly committing even worse crimes against humanity? Nothing good will ever come out of the U.N. until it truly becomes a union of nations, not the plaything of rogue powers like the U.S., China, Russia and Pakistan.

People have been discussing this issue here and in other places for several days now, and making much of the great need to adopt the 2/3 supermajority proposal, and the alleged deficiency of the simple majority proposal contained in the draft.  But we never hear any arguments for this need - just reiteration of the statement that the current fdraft is inadequate because it lacks this provision.  Why?

 

Maybe we should hold out for a 75% supermajority; or an 80% supermajority; or a 90% one?  Or a 100% Quaker consensus?  Why is a straightforward majority insufficient?  It certainly is a major improvement over the previous election mechanisms.

 

My tentative conclusion is that much of the criticism is driven by no particular logic, but just a self-righteous and politically opportunistic desire to use the debate to highlight US superiority to the rest of the UN on the score of human rights, with no particular concern about outcomes.

 

Dan -- 

 

The proposal for a 2/3 majority was first put forward by Kofi Annan in his report In Large Freedom, not by the United States.  The reason why 2/3 is preferable to a simple majority is that democratic countries (those that are "free," as rated by Freedom House) would in principle have a blocking vote and keep out those countries that abused human rights systematically.  Since a majority of the world's nations are, unfortunately, not fully democratic, a super majority is necessary.  That wasn't just an American consideration; it was Kofi Annan's as well.

 

Ivo Daalder

I would agree with a statement made earlier on this site. We should ratify this new Council because it is better than the old one even if only a little better. Then, when we have a more serious ambassador, we should lead the fight for yet another one. This time, the US should lead the way and make sure everyone knows the 2/3 supermajority is considered vital. Bolton failed to let the others know changing that was a deal breaker so let's take what we can get for now.

 

John
For more go to my online journal.

Thank you for taking the time to reply Ivo.

 

I understand the point about the 2/3 supermajority requirement giving coalitions of free countries a blocking vote in elections to the Human Rights Council.  But I would point out that, by the same logic, not only would coalitions of "free" countries have a blocking vote, but so would various coalitions of the "not free" and "partly free".

 

To see this, take a look at these Freedom House pie charts depicting the distribution of freedom in the world.  If these numbers are accurate, then the 45 "not free" countries, together with only 20 of the 58 "partly free" countries would be able to block any election to the council.  One can easily imagine a scenario in which a noted champion of women's rights, for example, one acceptable to a substantial majority of the General Assembly, is blocked from acceding to the Council by a minority coalition of African and Middle East countries.

 

By Freedom House's measure, 46% of the countries in the world are free and another 30% are partly free.  That means a coalition of the free countries, and only a small fraction of the partly free countries (8 of the 58), would be able to form a simple majority.  Since many of the world's most powerful countries are in the free group, and have substantial influence over the partly free group, I assume that in most circumstances they would easily be able to generate the coalition they need.

 

The most significant defect with the Human Rights Commission election procedures, by far, is the system of regional slates that gives representation to regions overrun with egregious human rights violators.  If you look at the regional pie charts on the Freedom House site, and note the gross disparities in the distribution of freedom by region, you can see that it is that defect more than any other that has been responsible for the sorry decline and debased constitution of the current commission.  The elimination of that electionprocedure, and its repalcement by the requirement of a simple majority in the General Assembly, is a major advance and step forward.

 

I know that Kofi Annan proposed the 2/3 supermajority procedure in his comprehensive UN reform report.  And let's assume for the sake of argument that his proposal really would be preferable.  But just as not every piece of legislation put forward by our own president survives the legislative process in its original form, we can't expect every detail from Annan's report to be adopted.  The main questions about the draft proposal before us are: Is it progress?  Does it at least sustain the momentum in favor of reform?  Can we get better if we hold out?

 

As I said before, the people I most trust in this case are Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International.  They work this front every day, and have an intimate familiarity with the knotty political details.  It seems to be their view that the current proposal, while sub-optimal, is at least a substantial step forward.  More importantly, they seem convinced that, at this time, we can not get better by holding out for more - but are more likely to undercut the reform movement by blocking it at this step. 

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