Showdown on budget vote -- tomorrow
OK, so Alito is now a Supreme Court justice, which is very much too bad. (At the end of the day, you can’t defeat a nominee unless he or she cooperates in the effort and/or is significantly worse than the alternative you would expect from the current president.) That fight is over, the next one comes tomorrow.
I often say that there are two factors that are transcendent issues, because they shape the parameters of what’s going to be possible as a society for generations to come: One is judicial nominations, and the other is fundamental choices about budget and tax policy.
On the current path, all hope for a government that addresses even basic economic and social needs in the next decades will be cut off. On Wednesday afternoon, the House is scheduled to vote a second on the "Deficit Reduction Bill," which should more appropriately be called the "Make Way for More Tax Cuts Bill." I’ve written recently about the cuts to child support in the bill, and about the wedging of the entire welfare reform reauthorization into the bill, others have focused on the cuts to student loans and Medicaid.
There are a dozen other reasons to oppose this bill, but one of the best is that it represents the end of the game, of the misuse of this closed, anti-democratic process to sneak through provisions that would never pass in the light of day, or to justify further massive tax cuts.
The bill passed by six votes in December, then the Senate forced some irrelevant changes that require a second vote in the House. To bring it down, six Republicans will need to switch their votes and vote against exactly the bill they voted for six weeks ago. But it could happen. CongressDaily reported this morning:
House Republican leaders face more possible GOP defections Wednesday when they bring legislation to the floor that would trim the growth of entitlement programs and otherwise reduce the deficit by $39 billion over five years. Reversing last month's 212-206 vote in favor of the bill would still appear to be a long shot, however.
Over the weekend House Science Chairman Boehlert, who supported the measure last month when it came to the House floor, told Gannett News Service, "I don't know how I'm going to vote."
Rep. Mike Fitzpatrick, R-Pa., also said over the weekend he was now undecided on whether to vote for the reconciliation bill. The freshman lawmaker voted for the bill last month. "This is a matter that's under consideration," Fitzpatrick told The Intelligencer of Upper/Central Bucks and Montgomery counties in Pennsylvania.
The reconciliation bill has passed both chambers by slim margins, but another vote is necessary in the House because of small changes made by the Senate before passage. Rep. John Sweeney, R-N.Y., another reconciliation supporter last month, is also undecided, a spokeswoman said, because he wants to review the Senate-made changes. Rep. Christopher Shays, R-Conn., also has indicated some hesitation. Only one Republican, Rep. Rob Simmons of Connecticut, has thus far publicly announced he will switch from supporting to opposing the measure.
This afternoon, word came that Rep. Joe Schwartz of Michigan (who, interestingly, holds the seat occupied by Rep. Nick Smith, the Republican who said he was essentially offered a bribe in exchange for his vote on the Medicare Prescription Drug bill) has changed his vote. That’s two switches and, based on the CongressDaily list, four more on the fence. Two+four=just enough votes to bring down the bill.
A word here for the Emergency Campaign for America's Priorities, which has led this fight. When this project started, my reaction was doubtful. It shouldn't be an emergency campaign, I thought, it's a permanent campaign. But the creativity and the intensity they have brought to the fight, bringing grass-roots groups to members' offices and blocking every attempt to evade responsibility. Above all, they prevented individual interest groups from being bought off with improvements to their particular piece of the legislation, and kept the focus on the legislation as a whole. That doesn't seem like a big deal, but it had not been done effectively before.
The impact of a defeat on this bill will be huge. It will certainly affect the leadership race, probably bringing DeLayism to an end. The ability of Bush and the congressional leadership to move more tax cuts or unpopular policies through on a strictly one-party basis will be over. And Republicans will still have nothing to show for their years of unilateral power but bigger, more corrupt, ineffective government.















It's hard to comprehend how so many supposedly intelligent people refuse to accept the premise and the documented results that tax cuts generate more tax revenue than tax increases. If it weren't for the fact the rich benefit more from the cuts, people would see the tax revenue benefits more clearly. The most important tax cuts are capital gains and dividends, which is money that is reinvested in growth oriented ventures
Maybe no further cuts are needed now, but making the existing cuts permanent is sound tax policy primarily because it reduces some of the uncertainty inherent in making business plans for the future.
Spending is a joke. We obviously can't reduce spending, but we could reduce the rate of spending. That's what helped Clinton after he locked horns with the new Congress after 94.
January 31, 2006 2:53 PM | Reply | Permalink
If tax cuts generated revenue reliably why do we have such a monstous deficit?
Please read the post below this one, about the recent offering from the Economic Policy Institute. Using government figures, such as Defense' estimate of private-sector jobs created, it seems clear that all new jobs came from government spending.
Combined with the tax cuts, we now have a draconian budget bill that still can only muster a $39b deficit reduction. Pretty feeble.
How about this from 1992, by J. Bradford DeLong, Danziger Professor of Economics, Harvard:
In large part the problems and opportunities that Clinton and his advisors face today were also faced by Kennedy and his advisors in 1960. Then economic management was extraordinarily successful. Up to the end of the decade, when Johnson's unwillingness to tax in order to pay for the Vietnam War began the upward spiral of inflation, the 1960s were an economic golden age: unemployment was low, productivity growth extremely rapid, and the fruits of prosperity relatively equally distributed--we have not seen its like since. The success of Kennedy's economic policies can teach us lessons about how Clinton should proceed. But we cannot expect too much, and we surely cannot expect another growth golden age like the 1960s. Eisenhower handed Kennedy a sluggish economy like the one that Bush has handed Clinton. But Eisenhower handed Kennedy a federal budget in sound shape, while Bush hands Clinton--the budget deficit....
So we cannot expect Clinton's economic advisors to deliver to us a golden administration of economic growth like the one that Kennedy's economic advisors delivered some thirty years ago. The best that we can hope for is something like a bronze age, with at least some steps taken to encourage public and private investment, and some steps taken to make the federal budget somewhat less of a drag on the American economy.
Boy, does it feel strange to read this now. Nostalgia just ain't what it used to be.
January 31, 2006 3:30 PM | Reply | Permalink
Thought that name was familiar; Brad DeLong is one of the great contributors here. Bet he gets a kick out of reading his old stuff.
January 31, 2006 3:34 PM | Reply | Permalink
http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/69xx/doc6908/12-01-10PercentTaxCut.pdf
a very detailed study by the CBO.
Now, for the record: there is such a thing as an honest supply-side tax cut. That consists of two elements: a.) cutting marginal rates at the high end to improve incentives; b.) cutting spending to make the government smaller as a share of the economy.
Honest supply siders - say, for instance, Bruce Bartlett, who's new book on the bush administration also (based on what i've seen of it) will eviscerate your arguments - will claim (correctly) that there are "dynamic" effects of tax cuts that result in higher revenue than a "static" analysis would suggest will arise from said tax cuts, but there isn't an honest supply sider in the known universe who will claim that tax cuts automatically generate more revenue than tax increases.
that is completely and totally a falsehood, and anyone who utters it loses any credibility in any discussion of fiscal policy, and there is no "documented" demonstration that "tax cuts generate more revenue than tax increases."
you also don't seem to know much about capital gains and dividends: they might be invested in growth-producing opportunities. they might also be spent on a vacation, a new home, a car, expensive liquor, cocaine, and 1001 other possibilities. Once the capital gain is exercised by the owner of the shares, or the dividend is distributed, he/she can do anything his/her heart desires.
now, if you want to say that lower capital gains taxes increases the incentive for risk-taking, you're on solid ground, but that's a far sight different from your ill-informed remark.
Meanwhile, making the existing cuts permanent is the direct opposite of sound fiscal policy. The deficit - which does have to be paid off - explodes even more if you extend the tax cuts. As a result (and see the study i pointed you to earlier), other problems get in the way of growth, like higher interest rates that arise in the long-run from a mismatch of revenue and spending.
anyone who wants to extend the tax cuts must first explain how you're going to cut spending to keep the budget in balance (over the course of the business cycle) after the tax cuts are extended. sadly, it can't be done, as even you seem to acknowledge at the end, so how is it that you think we will ever balance the budget.
don't forget: an unbalanced budget is simply a tax deferral: someone has to pay it back.
or, you can do what george bush wanted to do last year: you can arbitrarily declare that the government doesn't actually have to pay back the social security trust fund. you saw where that got him....
January 31, 2006 3:47 PM | Reply | Permalink
When I see underfunded pensions being dropped in our laps, or honestly-negotiated labor contracts shredded in bankruptcy court to force cost-cutting concessions, I can't help but think that our corporate ethos isn't to meet obligations, but to get out from under them if they're a pain in the ass. The emphasis isn't on the promises made that were broken, but rather on doing what it takes to stay in business.
If that's the mindset of our business leaders (aka Bush's "base"), why should we believe they'd treat our national debt any differently? Like howard said, Bush has already hinted at a partial default on our Treasury bonds (but don't worry China/Japan/rest of Earth, not the bonds you're holding, just the one's we've promised ourselves...)
January 31, 2006 4:42 PM | Reply | Permalink
The ability of Bush and the congressional leadership to move more tax cuts or unpopular policies through on a strictly one-party basis will be over.
Their ability to squander more US dollars in illegal wars, millionaire taxcuts, and crony political patronage will be truly over as they slowly but surely turn the US dollar into confetti. Hold off on buying that wallpaper. All the trillions is US public and private debt can only be repaid by inflating and devaluing the currency.
Bush tells us that the SS Trust fund is just paper, so is the US dollar, and US gov't debt.
January 31, 2006 4:42 PM | Reply | Permalink
Develop the economy by cutting taxes or by spending on public infrastructure: spend on public infrastructure because it delivers more value directly to more people than the indirect benefits of tax cuts.
Cut healthcare costs by capping prices on goods and services or by investing in preventive care, including public education. Invest in prevention because in the long run it makes more people healthier.
Protect national security by intervening in foreign countries or by directing resources into domestic security. Invest in domestic security because that will do more to free Americans from fear.
Obviously these are overall strategies, exceptions and comprimises should be made to take account of specific circumstances. But overall, the direction is toward investing in the common good, rather than relying on the market or the military to solve our problems for us.
January 31, 2006 5:06 PM | Reply | Permalink
I don't accept 'premises', I accept solid evidence that those premises are based in reality. To argue that Bush II tax cuts actually increased revenues would require showing that the budget deficit would have been worse without them. Good luck with that.
Point to any independent (i.e. not Cato/Club for Growth) study that shows the effect you claim and we can talk. Perhaps over on the Economist's sites. Max, Brad, Mark & PGL (and the large number of professional economists (which doesn't include me) that post there) will be very interesting in viewing and critiquing your evidence and arguments.
Supply side is a fantasy. Reagan economic growth came after Reagan tax increases in 1983. The early wind in the Clinton economic sales came from Bush I's tax increases. The Clinton Tax increase led to the actual elimination of the deficit. Or so I claim on every bit the solid evidence that you are presenting here.
The rather odd habit of crediting tax cuts that happened before tax increases that were immediately followed by growth for that very growth is not particularly convincing. "Post hoc ergo propter hoc" is bad logic anyway. "Post hoc ergo propter hoc" (and just ignore the intervening "hoc") barely passes the laugh test.
I have seen no compelling evidence that Bush I's immediate assessment of Supply Side "Voodoo Economics" wasn't exactly on the money. Show me those "documented results". And don't forget to identify who commissioned and produced the "documents".
January 31, 2006 5:58 PM | Reply | Permalink
I think only four votes need to switch (if the original vote was 212-206), right?
January 31, 2006 6:55 PM | Reply | Permalink
You're absolutely right that the fight over Alito is over and we need to move on . . . I just wish someone had tried to defeat him.
Oh well, what can we fail at next?
January 31, 2006 7:27 PM | Reply | Permalink
Just to clarify - it would probably have been better to say that the original vote was 212 yes, 206 no, and 17 non-votes (representatives who missed the vote - representatives who agreed to "pair" their vote with an absent person who would have voted the other way - or seats that are vacant due to a recent death or resignation - the Speaker often does not cast a vote unless it is needed to resolve a tie - etc.).
I am not quite sure how the claim that 6 votes need to change was determined. I can see the logic for your 4-votes, and I can see a logic for 12 votes - adding 12 votes to the 206 would provide a total of 218, which is a majority of the 435 seat House. (Actually, 2 seats are currently vacant - but since I pretty strongly suspect that Robert Menendez - who resigned to take over Corzine's Senate seat - voted "no" the first time around, the 12 switches gives 217 as a majority of the 433 currently occupied seats. If Duke Cunningham, who resigned in the midst of a scandal, also voted "no", you might even need to push that to 13, but I don't think that is likely)
So, Mark, are you privy to inside whip counts that justify that claim about 6 switches, was it just a quick and dirty estimate, or did you actually just use the inaccurate formula that thekickingdonkey questioned?
January 31, 2006 10:02 PM | Reply | Permalink
I would take (R) weasle words on this with a grain of salt.If it does go down, that would be a MAJOR change, that is for sure, but recent history has shown us a lot of these cloase calls, and inevitably they favor party unity over America.
February 1, 2006 6:25 AM | Reply | Permalink
好~!
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December 24, 2006 2:41 AM | Reply | Permalink
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January 28, 2007 8:29 AM | Reply | Permalink