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A Sound Suggestion on Iran

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Check out a very good op-ed by Flynt Leverett in today's New York Times, chronicling a number of Administration failures in dealing with Iran over the past five years but also suggesting that the U.S. and Europe now reinforce a Saudi call for a Gulf Security Council that would create a nuclear-weapons free zone across the Persian Gulf. The value to this approach, in addition to finding a way to engage Iran by other Muslim countries in ways less likely to allow the government to portray itself as the bulwark of nationalist resistance against the West, is that it offers the possibility of building additional collective institutions in the Middle East. Europe boasts the EU, NATO, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Council of Europe, the European Free Trade Area, and any number of smaller institutions engaging Nordic countries, Mediterranean countries, Easterna and Western countries. Such a fabric of overlapping institutions guarantees lots of forums for communication and negotiation and many different possibilities for resolving disputes and using persuasion and even pressure to reach cooperative outcomes. Taken together, these institutions create a European order, reinforcing common values and treaty obligations and providing a high degree of stability and predictability. Order-building is a strategy that the U.S. was adept at throughout the Cold War, but has recently abandoned. The Middle East would be a fine place to start again.


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AUTHOR: paDem
DATE: 01/24/2006 07:33:36 AM

According to the BBC a conventional bomb was detonated in Iran.  Do you have any thoughts about that?

Taken together, these institutions create a European order, reinforcing common values and treaty obligations and providing a high degree of stability and predictability. Order-building is a strategy that the U.S. was adept at throughout the Cold War, but has recently abandoned. The Middle East would be a fine place to start again.


Order?  Stability?  Middle Eastern countries communicating and working together?  Are you sure the U.S. wants these things?  I'm not.  Divide and conquer?  Perhaps not (although you have to wonder...).  Divide and control?  Absolutely.  

Why limit the nuclear weapons free zone to the Persian Gulf?  To have any power to convince muslim countries to forego a nuclear fuel cycle (which is their right under the NPT), the nuclear weapons free zone would have to be extended to the rest of the mid-east, including Israel.   Muslim countries won't accept a double standard.  Like North Korea, they'll talk, talk and talk.  But they will proceed to develop their technical capabilities and industrial capacity while they talk.  If Israeli nuclear de-proliferation off the table, then a Persian Gulf WMD-free zone is a pipe dream.

.  .  .  a Saudi call for a Gulf Security Council .  .  .  .  Anne-Marie Slaughter

I haven't been able to find a report of this "Saudi call."  Does anyone have a link?

N.B. Leverett says the U.S. or someone should create a "Gulf Security Council," but he doesn't mention who came up with the idea or whether anyone other than he supports the idea.

Building multilateral or collective security organizations presupposes a culture wherein such bodies would have a positive outcome at a tolerable level of expense to the relevant parties.  Frankly, the Arab world runs on bad faith - or rather, what looks like bad faith from our perspective but is in reality a state-as-petrol-fief version of tribal imperatives, supported by the sense of Islam.  That is why engaging Iran is a diplomatic room full of mirrors: they are not interested in international comity, they are interested in regional dominance and a return to Persian eminence on the world stage.  Iran believes it can achieve this via domination of the Islamic world, particularly its ability to intimidate and manipulate Iraq and Saudi Arabia under a nuclear deterrent and via terrorist-parliamentarian proxy groups such as Hezbollah.  This is the reason it can compromise, mafia-style, with its ideological, ethnic and theological foes: they share a common enemy, and postponing ideological Armageddon into the unknown future has clear advantages over carrying one on while simultaneously battling the United States for regional domination.  Now, it has China and Russia as clear backers, both of whom are deeply, though not completely, immune from US retaliation in any meaningful sense. 

A collective security body with the charter aim of repressing nuclear weapons ambitions among the regional actors will simply not address these underlying realities, and will merely provide another layer of political cover while - the real reason they would acquiesce - providing ammunition to political opposition parties throughout a West whose political culture presumes a post-WWI/II faith in the pursuit of peace at any cost.

For all the Democratic, liberal, post-colonial talk about difference, otherness, oppression and liberation, imputing ignorance of foreign cultures and ideological blindness and outright evil to its opponents, the absence of any meaningful, reality-based assessment of the regional actors among the former is really striking.  Collective security agencies are a great idea; peace - that is, the limiting of conflict to economic/political compromise and cooperation - is a great idea.  But there are other forces in the world, some of them quite rational, that do not feel that way, and cannot feel that way without a kind of parity that is profoundly at odds with the actual capabilities of certain societies.  Iran's search for a nuclear weapon is a short-cut to such parity; achieving that, it must search for a new means to aggrandize itself.  Peace is a two-way street.  Offering blandishments and sponsoring deliberative meta-national bodies without good faith actors on both sides is not enlightened and liberal self-interest, it is solipsism.
ANN
 
Say what you will about Bush’s Iraq policy, I find it ridiculous and patently wrong to criticize the Administration for its handling of Iran.  Democrats continually assert that Bush’s neocon agenda is Colonialism of the 21<sup>st</sup&gt century.  Although I have many points to make on that issue, I will reserve them for the proper board.  With Iran, however, Bush has been exceedingly diplomatic.  Indeed, Bush has allowed the much maligned United Nations to take a leading role in Iranian containment in conjunction with the pacifist European Union.  No doubt it keeps him up at night (along with Cheney and Rumsfeld), but the bottom line is he has taken a backseat to these other institutions.  My question is, how else could Bush possibly be expected to deal with Iran?  If the administration were to take a leading role in that nation’s containment, it would be chastised for continuing its war-mongering ways.  In fact, Bush has also been very diplomatic and cautious with North Korea as well.
  While a Middle East alliance seems like a good idea, I have serious doubts as to its feasibility.  For one, insurgency and religious sects are mainstays of the region and have a noticeable amount of power when taken together.  Secondly, there is such shallow amount of unity in the region that it is unlikely that these nations could agree on anything substantial.  It would appear right now as if Iran is traveling down the same path North Korea did 2 years ago.  It will be defiant and threaten to slow or stop oil production until it realizes it cannot do that and feed its people at the same time.

What a joke.  Israel will never give up its nuclear weapons as long as people like Amadinejad and organizations like Hamas have power in the Muslim world and, as you say, Muslims will never accept a double standard.  Barring a miracle these issues are going to be settled by force as they always have been.

   As usual the elephant in the room when it comes to nuclear non-proliferation in the Middle East is Israel and what to do about its nuclear arsenal. Amid all the sound and fury about Iran there appears to be remarkably little discussion about what US policy towards Israel's nuclear weapons should be. It's naive to believe that the status quo of an Israeli nuclear monopoly in the Middle East can be sustained indefinitely or that it is somehow unrelated to the Iranian problem.

 Incidentally the editorial has this to say:
  "While Prince Saud blamed Israel for starting a nuclear arms race in the Middle East, his implication that a nuclear-weapons-free Gulf might precede a regionwide nuclear-weapons-free zone is a nuanced departure from longstanding Arab insistence that regional arms control cannot begin without Israel's denuclearization."

  Even if we assume that this "nuanced departure" is official Saudi policy, it still means that the Saudis see Israel's nuclear weapons as part of the long-term agenda. If Israel insists on keeping its bombs, it's hard to see how any non-proliferation initiative in the Persian Gulf can succeed in the long run.
 


 

" provided that Iran committed itself to regionally defined and monitored norms for nonproliferation (including a nuclear weapons ban), counterterrorism and human rights. States concerned about Iran's nuclear activities would then have new leverage to ensure Iranian compliance with these commitments."

"Regionally defined"?  When this Saudi-founded entity says "Iran isn't developing nuclear capabilities.  Iran isn't violating human rights.  Not by our standards." the U.S. will have even less leverage over Iran given that this entity approved by the U.S. has said Iran is obeying the rules.  Then it will be an even more obvious regional confrontation if the West does anything.

(On a side note--if human rights scholars are now looking to Riyadh to help define human rights, the concept is now meaningless.)



Re: Are you sure the U.S. wants these things? I'm not. Divide and conquer? Divide and control? Absolutely.--------------
Obviously there is long history of competing strains of thought on whether the US has been adept at order-building, through the Cold War through to now, judging from George Kennan's own reflections on his own role in Cold War period foreign policy.  One of his key concerns, as I have interpreted it, was that we have continued to delude ourselves into the posture that we are the most civilizing force in the world. 
But if it is so, it sure engages in rhetorics which contribute to high levels of anxiety too, to the extent that it might be therapeutic to start a knitting circle or something: you know, with rocking chairs and all.  

"With Iran, however, Bush has been exceedingly diplomatic."

 

When the last delegation from Washington visited Teheran?

What has the U.S. offered if Iran does not use its right to develop a fuel cycle?

Bush "allowed" others to talk to Teheran - great diplomacy!!! 

 

Re: The absence of meaningful reality based assessments of the regional actors.----------
Well I don't know if I would characterize the situation as 'absence' because obviously the accuracy of your perception depends also on the extent to which you have arrived to it through direct evidence of the actors and researched the assessments that are currently out there now. 
I think we have to couch these issues in more open-ended ways. This strikes me as a basic axiom of good thinking.  
Then, as a response to a narrower but hornier point that you made about 'good faith actors'. I don't think it is going to be easy to claim that we are infinitely more capable of good faith, given our current understanding of the cognitive limitations of our minds and the impact of fear and trauma. In other words, I think the term 'good faith' is highly misleading and anachronistic now and obscures underlying states of mind.  

"Offering blandishments and sponsoring deliberative meta-national bodies without good faith actors on both sides is not enlightened and liberal self-interest, it is solipsism."

Unfortunately the exact same thing can be said about the United States.

Eliding the specific references to Islam and tribal societies, just about everything said can be said about the US. It's interests are primary, it supports terrorism when it suits its purposes, it has no interest in negotiating seriously, it believes it can dominate not just the Muslim world but the ENTIRE world (reread those PNAC documents where it says that the United States must insure that NO other country is ALLOWED to become even a REGIONAL power, let alone an international one!) , and its ultimate intentions are FAR more imperialistic than even the most radical Muslim cleric.

The US has run on "bad faith" for nearly the last two centuries - and the rest of the world knows it.

 

Bush has been diplomatic only to the degree that he has allowed the Europeans to be his stalking horse, instead of angrily confronting them as he did over Iraq.

I don't call that any major advancement in diplomacy on his part. Particularly since he seems willing to allow Israel to be the stalking horse in terms of actually initiating military action against Iran - an action which both Israel and Bush KNOWS must inevitably draw the US into a direct war with Iran.

The bottom line is that the entire Iranian "crisis" is of Bush's making and he shows absolutely no signs of retreating from an inevitable march to war with Iran.

 

 

...the nuclear weapons free zone would have to be extended to the rest of the mid-east, including Israel.   Muslim countries won't accept a double standard.

For there to be any standard, there first needs to be recognition of Jewish national rights in Israel by the Arab establishment.  Lift the state of war currently imposed by 19 out of 22 Arab League member nations, and perhaps Israel may find a reason to believe in the good intentions behind the Saudi rhetoric of a nuclear free Middle East.
Amid all the sound and fury about Iran there appears to be remarkably little discussion about what US policy towards Israel's nuclear weapons should be.

Which may have something to do with the fact that, while Israel has done nothing with its nuclear arsenal, Iran's leadership has made no secret of its nuclear ambitions or of wishing Israel off the map.

Again, lift the culture of radical rejection and the state of war currently imposed by Iran and 19 out of 22 Arab League member nations, and perhaps Israel may find a reason to believe in the good intentions behind the Saudi rhetoric of a nuclear free Middle East.
The bottom line is that the entire Iranian "crisis" is of Bush's making and he shows absolutely no signs of retreating from an inevitable march to war with Iran.

He and what army?

First, to have the nukes are the only guarantee for Israel to survive in a explicit hostile environment. Israel could only abandon it's nuclear potential if it would live in an environment comparable to, let's say, central Europe.

Second, the precondition to build EU etc. in Europe was American hegemony. The century old struggle for dominance on the continent was ended by the overwhelming power of the U.S. army. America's role in producing the postmodern European paradise was crucial.

Third point: The argument that Israel is the problem is misleading. What Teheran want's is to become Number one in the Middle East. Israel is only a pretext.

First, a point of clarification: PNAC is not about establishing American hegemony, it is about perpetuating it.  Damn.  That is to say, given the successive catastrophes that resulted in WWI-II + Cold War, what, given those controlling contexts, ought US policy look like?  That people ought to be abandoned to laissez-faire competition without the tutorial hand of the United States of America - that is, the only successful Revolution of this Revolutionary Period, the virtual inventor of and now the de facto administrator of the post-war, post-imperial global order?

Without understanding this, I think you make an ignorant error in your wishful equivocation: "eliding" the Islamic and tribal characteristics of Arab and Muslim society with our projection and management and - yes - repression - of certain power matrices is ideological blindness per se in the current strategic environment.  Don't ellide, look.  Truth is just a plain picture.  These ridiculous conspiracy theories that no one has any direct knowledge of (because they don't exist) just demonstrate a bad intellectual habit, they don't pull the veil back. 

Besides, why do you resist evaluating the policies of these actors with respect to their goals?  You think an Iran-Israel confrontation is just great for everyone, or that it could be limited to those actors, or that it wouldn't impinge directly on your person, state and possibly country if there were an oil shock?  You think the notion of keeping troops in Germany and Japan, among other places, isn't a laudable policy with respect to the designs of repeated, catastrophic predators whose policies don't result in millions of unintentional deaths but 10s of millions of intended?  I don't get it.  To paraphrase Rumsfeld, you have to work with the world you have to work with.  Critcizing the United States for its many errors means nothing but comfort to those who consider themselves our enemies if you are entirely unwilling to extend the same critique to them and others.  Moreover, if such considerations depended upon "direct knowledge" then no one would know anything or could make any decisions because such direct experience is precluded even from Presidents and Prime Ministers.

C'mon dude.  What do you think Iran is doing, and why, and do you like it or don't you like it?  We already know what you think about the USA.  But Iran is not just a figment of insidious PR manipulation by the Pentaverate.  So - Iran.  I'd love to hear your analysis of IRAN.

Well good faith is not a matter of degree - you either act in good faith or not.  The question of whether one likes the outcome is another question; to impute bad faith to an actor just because you didn't like the outcome would be evidence of bad faith to the imput-or (sorry not sure if that's a word).

I fear you're right.  The issue will not be settled peacefully, unless "settling the issue" means having Iran and Israel both in possession of nuclear weapons.  Iran will never agree to forego a nuclear fuel cycle if Israel doesn't deproliferate.  It's possible that a combination of draconian sanctions could force Israel to do so, but given the current political situation that is highly unlikely.

But how could the issue be settled by force?  A group of western countries could fly in and attempt to take out Israeli nuclear capability.  But this is virtually impossible.  Israel and its allies could try to fly in and take out Iranian nuclear capabilities, also very unlikely absent an Israeli nuclear attack on Iran.  And very dangerous  -- if you're going to shoot at a "king" with credible nuclear pretentions, make sure you kill him, because if you only wound him you have real trouble.

So what are you suggesting?  A nuclear attack by Israel that will probably incinerate more than six million Iranians? 

Given what you say about Israel never giving up its nuclear weapons, the best we can hope for is a rational spread of nuclear weapons in the mid-east, one that maintains a nuclear balance of terror.  It will be painful for Israel to give up its nuclear monopoly, but for most people that would be preferable to an Israeli nuclear attack on Iran. 

It is, afterall, the only way the issue will be peacefully resolved.

How can the military option be off of the table?  It must remain on the table.  A nuclear Iran must be prevented, even at the risk of leaving Iraq a bit early. 

Why must a "nuclear Iran" be "prevented"?

I don't understand. What bomb? Terrorist, regular military, or part of nuclear weaponization such as the "pumpkins" used by 509th Bomb Group B-29s for practice before Hiroshima?

The Saudi call for a Gulf Security Council that would create a nuclear-weapons free zone across the Persian Gulf.


Begs the Iranian counter for a nuclear free Middle East.  A great idea. 
As pointed out elsewhere, Israel's nuclear force creates an unstable strategic situation.

Can Israel's Nuclear Force Survive a First Strike?

Kudos to Mr. Levrett for his realistica assessment and for an approach of constructive engagement.

Indeed, Bush has allowed the much maligned United Nations to take a leading role in Iranian containment in conjunction with the pacifist European Union.  No doubt it keeps him up at night (along with Cheney and Rumsfeld), but the bottom line is he has taken a backseat to these other institutions.  My question is, how else could Bush possibly be expected to deal with Iran?  If the administration were to take a leading role in that nation’s containment, it would be chastised for continuing its war-mongering ways.  In fact, Bush has also been very diplomatic and cautious with North Korea as well.

 The problem isn't so much what Bush has done, but why he's doing it.  The "Axis of Evil" remark, combined with the invasion of Iraq, make it obvious to anyone who's paying attention that the only reason we haven't invaded Iran or North Korea is because of the military difficulty in doing so, not because of any dedication to finding a peaceful solution.  Because we invaded Iraq, we negotiate from a position of weakness. 

After America declares victory in Iraq and pulls out to some degree, it might again be ready to invade a country.  Let's say we'd be ready to invade Iran in two years.  If Iran wants to avoid invasion, what course should they pursue?  Proving they they are without nuclear capability?  Our invasion of Iraq, despite the objections of inspectors, showed the futility of approach.  No, the sensible thing to do would be to construct nuclear arms as quickly as they possibly can.  North Korea has nukes while Saddam didn't, and thus Kim Jong Il remains in power while Saddam is a prisoner.  The direction we are encouraging Iran to follow is pretty obvious. The situation is so broken now because invading Iraq demonstrated our insincerity and weakened our military position.

How should Bush change his policies?  The no win situation we are in now is so daunting that it's difficult for me to say.  But the first step would be to fire anyone who supported the invasion of Iraq or bungled its reconstruction.  No one can be expected to have any faith in the the future decisions of those who were so very wrong.  Finding the right policy in Iran is too hard a task for armchair statesman and generals or partisan second-guessing- which is why it's important that we have people we trust in position to make those decisions. 

RICHARD
 
It would appear a bit presumptuous to outright declare, “The bottom line is that the entire Iranian "crisis" is of Bush's making and he shows absolutely no signs of retreating from an inevitable march to war with Iran.”
 
If that is indeed the case, where does the European Union stand?  Have the European nations not been at the forefront of the negotiations?  What about Russia and China who continually hesitate at bringing Iran before the UN Security Council?  Are they not at least partly responsible for the situation?  Bush will not act against Iran unilaterally.  If there is to be a war with that nation, it will be a multilateral effort with the UN or EU in the leading role.  Personally, I think a war would be a poor decision in this case, but I would also refute the notion that the U.S. military is stretched so thin that it is irrelevant at present.

The European Union produces talk but has nothing to deliver. Instead three allied European governments spent most of the previous year in protracted negotiations with Iran, but they hadn't anything to offer either.

Maybe it's time to start to study the Iranian point of view to see if it might be more favorable to cooperate than to escalate the conflict. Maybe it's also high time to question what the conflict actually is about. If US dominance is the key motivation, maybe it's not so unexpected if US governments would have problems to find the right partners in their quest.

 

Diplomacy with China, Russia and France would probably be a good start.  

The Day of the Myopic Wilsonians is OVER


Hamas 76
Fatah 43


Two Cheers for Sharon
don't be silly. This is not all bad because:

A) Now we can hold the PA directly responsible for terrorism and not have them be able to claim it wasn't really them

and,

B) It will bring Europe around to Israel's point of view

and,

C) in time, Hamas may moderate themselves in response to reality and external pressure, meaning a sustainable peace might be possible.

and,

D) Fatah deserved to lose
1 & 2 - Whistling past the graveyard.  Bibi's happy

3 - Exactly right. I have a Christian PAL friend, several in fact, but this one fella I spoke with on Sunday about the WaPo article on USAID funding Fatah's campaign.  Not news to him.  "Did you know that the concrete supplier for the Wall is Fatah, receiving bonus monies to furnish redi-mix to the Israelis"

Whne Bush blustered, Hamas's response was classic:

Hamas's rejoinder is great.

We don't have time to negotiate and why should we? We just get screwed. If Israel concedes something up front, maybe we will talk ...Until then, we're cleaning up corruption

Just like Bush wanted!

Better be careful what you pray for..Allah might just give it to you

The most likely outcome is what you most fear - a nuclear holocaust in the Middle-East which incinerates several hundred million people and destroys the region and its resources, particularly its oil resources.

Next most likely is that we take out Iran the way we did Iraq which will not bring peace and democracy but will remove the immediacy of the nuclear threat.

Not great but too, too real. 

J. McCutchen "JmacSF"

San Francisco. CA

Divide and control?  Someone get the fella a double Reality on the Rocks. Stick a little green political Islam flag in it.

 

 As for order, it is precisely this sort of solipsistic Old- Glorified-These-Colors-Don't-Run-Bring-It-On-Bunkum that has made a shambles of order, a subject of a recent book by one of Anne's colleagues in fact:

 

 Lawless World Casts Doubt on Decision to Go to War

Believing the evidence fell short, Bush discussed with Blair the possibility of inciting a conflict with Iraq, British author says. 

LONDON — It was the end of January 2003. Secretary of State Colin L. Powell was five days away from giving a critical speech at the U.N. Security Council, laying out the case that Iraq was hiding weapons of mass destruction and posed a danger to world peace.

But huddled with aides at the White House, President Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair were not sure there was enough evidence to convince the Security Council. Without the council's explicit authorization, their plans for an invasion to depose Saddam Hussein could be difficult to defend under international law.

Bush proposed an alternative: paint a U.S. spy plane in United Nations colors and see if that didn't tempt Hussein's forces to shoot at it. In any case, he said, the war was "penciled in" for March 10 and the United States would go ahead with or without a second U.N. resolution.

Blair replied that he was "solidly with" the president.

That is the gist of an account of the Jan. 31, 2003, meeting contained in the new edition of "Lawless World," a book by British author Philippe Sands. ...


Sands, 45, is a professor of international law and a founding member of the Matrix law office in London, where Cherie Blair, the prime minister's wife, also works. His book, initially published last year, is not primarily about the decision to go to war in Iraq. Rather, it examines a range of issues in which, he argues, the Bush administration, with Britain's complicity, has undermined the "rules-based" international system built largely by the United States and Britain after World War II.

 

450,000,000,000 thru FY07. 100,000 a minute. Unimaginable damage to the region, to US power and prestige, but one thing is more certain today than before Bush, his Useful Idiots and Democratic syncophantic cowards rolled this country into the greatest strategic disaster in its history - we've sure brought Middle Eastern countries together.

 

And yes, they all died in vain - about 200,000+. 

 

J. McCutchen "JmacSF"

San Francisco. CA

Israel will never give up its nuclear weapons. Perhaps but to imply that it needs nukes to keep secure against the likes of  Amadinejad and Hamas is rubbish. Since 1973, Israel's conventional forces have provided all the deterrence that country needs. Nuclear weapons add only theatrics to the security mix and arguably make a deteriorating security position even more precarious.

I highly recommend The Fate of Israel.   

Iran's nuclear weapons program won't be resolved militarily and neither will Israel's. At best, nuclear weaponry affords each deterrence only against attacks on it's own territory.

Amadinejad may not be as foolish as is popularly believed;

Iran is not afraid of anything becasue they cannot do anything 

Thank God for that 

 

J. McCutchen "JmacSF"

San Francisco. CA

The Fate of Israel -

Defense and the National Interest

To plan a successful grand strategy the strategist must know if he has a weak or strong position. Failure almost certainly results if he gets this fundamental fact wrong. Realist or idealist, this is the starting point for developing a grand strategy.

Unfortunately, history shows the difficulty of correctly determining weak from strong during times of rapid change.

For example, which looks stronger: a stateless people with no modern government, economy, or army—or a developed state with its vast superiority in ideas and hardware?

Israel, a western industrial nation, has rationally educated elites in a modern bureaucratic government. Israel’s army and intelligence service (the Mossad) are superior to their Palestinian counterparts in every way.

Israel has wielded these advantages to win many tactical victories over the Palestinians. For example, Col Thomas X. Hammes, USMC (Ret) describes how Israel won the second Intifadah in chapter 9 of his book, The Sling And The Stone.

The Palestinian people have none of Israel’s advantages: stateless, politically mobilized in only a primitive manner, with severe internal fractures, and a history of weak and self-interested leadership. Each year their enclaves on the Gaza Strip and the West Bank sink further into poverty and chaos.

So it seems reasonable that most analysts see Israel as strong and the Palestinians as an oppressed or weak underdog.

Here's a different perspective on this war....

No matter how many or great are its tactical successes, Israel’s strategic picture grows dark. Losing allies. Losing land. Losing people. Perhaps even losing internal cohesion.

This should surprise nobody familiar with history. Germany proved that tactical excellence cannot overcome strategic weakness. And strategically Israel is very weak...

It seems obvious who will win. Israel might last 100 years if its people are both lucky and skillful. Nevertheless, in the future only historians will know that the war’s outcome was ever in doubt. Much as today’s students see the Hundred Years War between England and France, Israel’s end will seem inevitable to them.

...Can any grand strategy by Israel overcome such odds at this late date?

As Peter O’Toole said as Lawrence of Arabia in the movie of that title, “Nothing is written.” However, it seems clear how to bet. As so often in history, bet on the horrible outcome. It looks like another tragedy in the making, another destruction of Israel, and Diaspora for the Jewish people.

 

Israel has done a terrific job of surviving in a very difficult environment.  I'm not about to second guess them.  If they thought it was a good idea to jettison their atomic weaponry they would do it.

 

Similarly, we do the Iranians need atomic weaponry?  Who are they going to use it against? 

J. McCutchen "JmacSF"

San Francisco. CA

You have things exactly backwards

Nuclear holocaust in the Middle East is the least likely scenario.  Iran won't have holocaust capability for 10-15 years at least (making a bomb and delivering it - two different things).  I know that Iranians are not to be trusted, worse even than those wacky Rackys who live next door, but really stop and think will ya?  Israel has an overwhelming advantage in nuclear arms. Nuclear weapons that hit Israel also lay waste to large parts of Jordan, Palestine, Lebanon. Those Allah-crazy, Jew-haterr Iranians don't ttink like the rest of us but really...nuclear destruction of theirs and the rest of the Gulf's oil production? 

And the US is not going to attack Iran certainly as long as we are in Iraq and unless the next administration is as delusional as the current regime, we aren't going to attack them either. From a strategic standpoint, I cannot imagine an option more reckless, more self-defeating.

 Enough with the trauma and the drama folks.  Under the ciircumstances, the only relistic the only prudent, the only moral course is to engage Iran in detente.

And perhaps they'll mellow a bit over the 10-15 years before any of these panic attacks find a real world connection - however remote even then.

 

Our Administrations' stated reason for going to war with Iran is that Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is vehemently anti-US and can support his anti-US views with a military strike against the U.S. and/or Israel, therefore posing a credible threat to us that needs to be dealt with. The Administration concludes that we have to stop the threat by launching our own preemptive military strike. This is a terrible idea supported by flawed logic. Yes, Ahmadinejad hates the US. Yes, he is an Islamist. Yes, he opposes Israel's right to exist. Nonetheless, he currently cannot do anything about it- yet, if we do invade, the political tide will likely turn and Ahmadinejad will then be able to do something about it. He's all talk- at least for now. Anyone who at least knows anything about Iran's internal political landscape knows this. I will attempt to explain:

The Iranian President is just a figurehead in Iran with no real authority. As President, Ahmadinejad cannot appoint his cabinet, he cannot appoint military or judicial leaders and most importantly, he is not even the Commander-in-Chief of Iran's military (that constitutional authority lies with Iran's Supreme Leader). Iranian President Ahmadinejad is increasingly under criticism from the Iranian Majlis, Iran's parliament. Ahmadinejad is steadily becoming marginalized by Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of Iran, who is in turn supervised by the Iranian Mujtahids (council of 86 Islamic legal experts), who are also critical of Ahmadinejad. Growing numbers of the rest of the Marjas (Grand Ayatollahs) of Iran are marginalizing Ahmadinejad. Parviz Davoodi, First Vice President to Ahmadinejad, also strongly disagrees with Ahmadinejad on some very big issues (there are 10 Vice Presidents in total). More and more Iranian citizens are becoming disenchanted with Ahmadinejad. Ali Larijani, the chairman of Iran's Supreme National Security Council (SNSC), is progressively alienated by Ahmadinejad and shares Khamnei's reservations of Ahmadinejad's policies, especially his confrontational anti-US rhetoric on foreign policy (mind you that criticism of Ahmadinejad ranges from democratic reformers and dissidents within the majority of Iranian civil society to theocratic traditionalists among Iran's clerics). This mounting criticism will probably dissipate if the US invades Iran, and the rising resentment towards Ahmadinejad will probably be redirected towards the US and a lengthy retaliation against the US will likely stem from a revitalized, consolidated coalition among Ahmadinejad, the Iranian Majlis, the Majras, the Mujtahids and Iranian civil society. They will likely put aside their differences and unite against any US invasion force, probably solidifying and even intensifying Iranian support for Ahmadinejad's anti-US rhetoric. If we invade Iran, any hopes Iranian society has for democracy will likely be replaced with hatred and contempt for the US presence there. If we invade Iran, we can say goodbye to any hopes for a stable Iranian democracy for (at least) another decade, which in turn will further destabilize the already imperiled Middle East and upset the chances of peace in the region.

If we invade Iran, we will be hurting its chance at stability and democracy. We will also be giving the Iranians every reason to rally around Ahmadinejad and consolidate his anti-US rhetoric into actual policy. Specifically, we might cause the Supreme Leader to transfer his Commander-In-Chief responsibilities to Ahmadinejad, giving him the reigns of Iran's military and thereby adding military strength to his anti-U.S and anti-Israel rhetoric. Iran's military is significantly larger than Iraq's, more experienced and better equipped for a war. Plus, there's a real chance that Hizballah might come in to help their sponsors, brining in their extra firepower- in effect reinforcing Iran's already powerful military. Our military is already stretched thin in the Middle East, currently in Iraq and Afghanistan and our generals and the NeoCons (notably Richard Perle and Francis Fukuyama) are already saying Iraq is a losing battle. In short, we will be making a disastrous mistake if we invade Iran. Considering Iran's vastly superior military and intelligence capabilities compared to Iraq's, we will be there longer than we're spending in Iraq.

Alas, our President recently authorized the use of force against Iranian scientists in Iraq. So in the end, Bush might not have given the American public a choice. This pessimistic view is further cemented by foriegn policy experts who say Bush and his cronies are trying to provoke Iran into a war (notably, Zbigniew Brzezinski holds this view). In effect, he'd be sending more of our men, women and our nation's children to die for a plan he should by now know will fail and that he will be recklessly adding more blood to the bloodbath that he helped create.

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