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Practical Questions

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I really liked today's Sebastian Mallaby column, that's allegedly about "Rice's Blind Spot" but really takes on some much broader issues:

The big question today in foreign policy is not whether you are a realist or an idealist. It's whether you are an optimist or a pessimist: whether you think that Iraq has gone badly merely because the Bush administration mishandled it, or whether you believe that no amount of skillful management could have achieved stability after three years.

I'm on record as a "pessimist" in this sense -- "The United States lacks the instruments to transform other societies, Fukuyama argues; to build nations you must first build institutions, and nobody knows how to do that." I would add as a caveat, however, that I don't really like the "pessimist" label. The flipside of a certain fatalism about the ability of American power to accomplish these sorts of things is an optimism about the broad trends. Precisely because neoconservatives are correct to say that democracy and freedom are broadly appealing, the world is trending in that direction.

Just this morning I heard James Woolsey, of all people, making a lot of sense on this subject (after making no sense at all on the some other subjects). Democracy, liberal institutions, and roughly free markets have spread a great deal since 1945 and that's overwhelmingly happened without the United States of America invading places and setting up new state institutions. That's not to say that we've been totally uninvolved, but it's been around the margins and rather subtle. We ought, I think, to have a little faith in democracy's success and track record and not be in some kind of panic where either we need to spread freedom around the world tomorrow or else just decide we don't care about values or humanitarianism.


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Democracy, liberal institutions, and roughly free markets have spread a great deal since 1945 .  .  .  .  yglesias

as a result of the exhaustion of "history" as Hegel's "unfolding of Spirit in time."  Disspirited, fascism and communism collapsed after three quarters of a century.

And now we have islamofascism, so-called.  How long, oh Lord, how long? 

I took it Mallaby's point was to announce his own "pessimism" without doing it in so many words.

To put it less esoterically, in Afghanistan and Iraq we are dealing with traditionalist societies which were never "nations" and for which there is no template for so-called "nation building."

Iraqis and Afghanis don't seek recognition and amour propre in democratic individualism but in the prestige and power of their tribal, clan, and family group.  They don't require democracy; a loya jirga is more than satisfactory.

Our principal object should be to prevent these geographic areas (Iraq because it is potentially wealthy; Afghanistan because it is an isolated mountain fastness) from becoming the sites of potential damage to us.

What we want n each is a powerful elite whose members know on which side their bread is buttered.

Woolsey has no credibility whatsoever. He is known in intelligence circles as having been so in love with satellite surveillance that he oversaw the reduction in "humint", real spies and human sources.

I wrote him off, forever, when I saw him commenting sagely on CNN, only a couple of hours after the WTC collapse. He said, with commanding gravitas, when asked about likely cuplrits "Look to Iraq."

Didn't they send Woolsey on an all expense paid vacation to track down the proof of that famous meeting between Atta and an Iraqi intelligence official in Prague?

This country was founded by men who didn't believe the US should be interfering in other nations, period.

That said, of course within a few decades the US was doing exactly that. Because no state can be a state without being imperialist. It's impossible. No state can tolerate another state having equal authority.

Ayn Rand used to argue against the right anarchist concept of competing protection agencies by proclaiming that violence was inevitable when two such agencies tried to protect opposing interests.

Her problem was she was completely blind to the fact that that IS the position of every state - and must be so based on Austrian economic theory.

The state is an attempt to establish a monopoly on the use of force over a given geographicsl area or population set. The economic problem is that there IS no such thing as a "natural" monopoly - and if there is, it can be competed against by other such monopolies, rendering its monopoly status useless. The only way to establish a monopoly is through some form of coercion.

And this is what a state is - a necessarily coercive structure which cannot tolerate a competing coercive structure.

This doesn't even include the basic problem of human nature which is based on primate hierarchical behavior patterns that demand that the majority of the population set kowtow to an alpha males (while at the same time wrangling for position in the hierarchy amongst themselves.)

Nor does it include the pragmatic fact that some states simply have more wealth, power, population, and technology than others.

So we have "diplomacy" - which is where the weaker state tries to survive by either bowing to the stronger state or making alliances with other strong states in opposition to the threatening state.

Compared to this, the fictions called "democracy", "freedom", "free market" (there is no such thing in existence anywhere on the planet, to my knowledge, unfortunately) are meaningless except as pyschosocial tools for manipulating the primate mind.

To paraphrase Hermann Goering, whenever anyone begins talking about freedom and democracy (or social justice, or humanitarianism, or socialism, or humanism, or Marxism, or any number of other buzzwords - perhaps even anarchism in many cases), I release the safety catch of my pistol. .

Because he's trying to enslave me with ruminant evacuation.

And it won't be long before he's simply trying to enslave me with a gun.

 

Well Jim Woolsley's analytical abilities are unusually nuanced, even if I have disagreed with a few of his positions. I think he is able to weigh the merit of opposing and deviating arguments better than most analytically oriented types.
Um I was about to write annalytical. My apologies. 

Re: Um I was about to write annalytical. My apologies.
I HOPE youse guys understand that I am kidding around . Actually I think Jim Woolsley can tell some great jokes, and I meant my original post to function as a compliment to him. I've heard him on C-Span. He does have great analytical capacities. 

Re: as a result of the exhaustion of 'history' as Hegel's 'unfolding of Spirit in time.' Disspirited, fascism and communism collapsed after three quarters of a century.
And now we have islamofascism, so called. How long, oh Lord, how long?-------------
I have been suggesting that we need to rely less on essentialist characterizations to explain our current discontents. They beg the conclusion in too many cases and so function as straightjackets which are difficult to escape. 
And this perhaps why, from time to time, I return to the the subject of 'thinking dispositions'. Some combinations of attitudes/traits/domains may lend themselves to  

I understand many of the points that you are making. Well I guess I don't think that men are the only ones capable of control oriented behaviours, some of which produce some of the wierdest situations that I've come across. Often enough, these sort of updated displays of alphahood are more apt to be scripted/scored/parodied in a tabloid, film, or live comedy show. 
I guess a better tact is to press for continuous self-examination, with an eye toward truly coming to terms with our own urges and contributions to any situation. 

You will gain from more moderatated and conditioned expressions.

As you argue, you represent a position that nourish resentment from them dominated, which may backlash and then cost you more than a less exploitive approach would have. But there is a choice. 

Cooperation is not equal to domination. Whomever speeks and makes you release the safety catch may actually seek a cooperation advantageous for both, and trying to establish a common ground and an athmosphere of trust and identification.

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