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What to do about Iran?

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Phil Gordon and I suggest an answer in this Sunday's Post.

Iran's decision to resume nuclear enrichment activities -- a key step in the process of making nuclear weapons -- is a direct challenge to the United States, Europe and the rest of the world. For more than two years now, Europe -- with Washington's support -- has offered Tehran a reasonable deal: End the nuclear enrichment work it had been doing in secret for nearly two decades and receive technical support for a civilian nuclear energy program as well as expanded economic and diplomatic ties.


Last week, the new Iranian government of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad basically told the international community to get lost. It resumed research and development activities that had been suspended during the talks with the Europeans, still claiming that its nuclear program was entirely peaceful. As German Chancellor Angela Merkel made clear on her visit to Washington this month, even those most committed to a diplomatic solution with Iran now accept that diplomacy has run its course, and the time for decision and action has arrived.


But what decision, and what action? In the debate about how to respond to Iran, two opposing camps have emerged: One wants to give in to Iran; the other wants to bomb it. Both are wrong.


In the first camp are those -- mostly in Europe, but also in many other parts of the world -- who accept Tehran's argument that it has a right to develop nuclear technology for peaceful purposes. And while they would oppose an Iranian bomb, they argue that there is little we can do to prevent a determined Iran from building one eventually and that, in any case, a nuclear-armed Iran can be contained. It would be difficult to get international support for economic sanctions, they say, and even if Russia and China were somehow to agree to them, sanctions would fail to change policy -- as in Iraq, North Korea and Cuba.


This view is entirely too complacent. It's a delusion to believe that Iran's program is for civilian purposes only and that allowing Iran to master nuclear enrichment is therefore no big deal. Given Iran's long track record of hiding and lying about important aspects of its nuclear program, allowing it to develop enrichment and reprocessing capabilities -- even under an international inspection regime -- would remove the most important technical barrier to its acquiring nuclear weapons and leave the decision of going nuclear entirely in the hands of Ahmadinejad's radical Islamist government. That is an unacceptable risk.


The dangers of an Iranian bomb are clear. Others -- Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Turkey -- could follow suit, both in order to deter Tehran and in the well-warranted belief that a world that allowed Iran to build a bomb would surely allow them to do so as well. This would be a fatal blow to the already shaky nuclear nonproliferation regime, which for nearly 40 years has helped convince countries as diverse as Sweden, South Korea, Brazil and Ukraine that the costs of acquiring nuclear weapons far outweigh the benefits. Moreover, a nuclear-armed Iran would represent a major threat to regional and global security. It could deter the United States and others from responding to Iranian aggression or to Tehran's support for terrorism in the Middle East and beyond. And given the messianic streak of Tehran's current leaders, do we really want to run the risk of them passing nuclear materials or even a weapon on to al Qaeda?


On the other side of the debate are those -- mostly in the United States -- who think that the time has come to use military force against Iran. Because diplomacy has failed and we are, as President Bush has said, "all sanctioned-out" as far as Iran is concerned, the only option left is a military strike against Iran's nuclear facilities before it is too late. If ever there were a case, they argue, for making good Bush's vow -- that America will "not allow the world's most dangerous regimes to possess . . . the world's most dangerous weapons" -- this is it.


This view, too, is wrong. U.S. air strikes probably could destroy Iran's critical nuclear facilities -- at least those we know about. But our intelligence is hardly perfect, so we would not really know if Tehran's nuclear program was in fact destroyed. A military attack against Iran would also undoubtedly generate strong public support among Iranians for an otherwise unpopular regime. Any lingering doubt that they needed a nuclear deterrent would be erased.


And are we prepared for what Iran could do in return? Through its Shiite partners in Iraq and Afghanistan, it could wreak havoc on our forces and undermine our efforts to stabilize both countries. It could threaten oil shipments through the Strait of Hormuz, through which more than one-third of the world's oil flows, and urge its terrorist friends to launch retaliatory strikes against our allies and us.


The option of relying on Israel to strike Iranian targets -- as alluded to last year by Vice President Cheney -- would be even worse. The Israelis would conduct the operation less effectively because of their more limited military means (striking targets in eastern Iran would be a stretch for Israel's limited-range F-15s), and the United States would bear the responsibility anyway, not least if it allowed the Israelis to fly over U.S.-controlled airspace in Iraq.


Given these bad options, what should the United States and Europe do instead? The answer is that they should do what they said they would do -- make Iran pay a real price if it refuses to suspend its uranium enrichment activities again. This means first making a concerted effort to win Russian and Chinese support for tough action at the International Atomic Energy Agency and the U.N. Security Council next month. Ideally, the Security Council should not only denounce Iran's actions but agree on an oil embargo and a ban on investment in Iran.


The credibility of sanctions would be enhanced if it were clear that negotiations could resume -- and punitive actions be suspended -- as soon as Tehran terminates the enrichment activities it recently resumed. The offer to support a civilian nuclear energy program, increase trade and investment -- and even engage in regional security talks and restore diplomatic relations with the United States -- would also remain on the table.


But if Tehran refuses to back down, it must pay a price. And while Russia and China may not go along, Europe, Japan and the United States should not hide behind their refusal. The argument that sanctions won't work without China, Russia and India on board is overstated. Only Western companies at present possess the sort of expertise and technology that Iran's energy sector needs, and in an integrated world oil market, whatever oil China and India purchase from Iran liberates supplies elsewhere. Iran could, of course, retaliate by pulling its oil off the world market, which would cause a price spike. But if Americans and Europeans are unwilling to run the risk of a temporary rise in oil prices as part of what it takes to prevent an Iranian bomb, then they had better be prepared to live with the consequences as well.


The Iranian government believes, as Ahmadinejad put it recently, that "you [the West] need us more than we need you." Do we really want to encourage him in this belief?


There is no guarantee that making the threat of sanctions more credible or actually imposing them will have an immediate and positive effect, but given the alternatives it certainly makes sense to find out. And even if sanctions don't work in the short term, they would still be useful to give future Iranian leaders an incentive to cooperate and to send a message to other potential proliferators. At the very least, serious sanctions would slow the nuclear program by squeezing the Iranian economy and cutting off key technologies, would further strain the already disgruntled middle classes who might one day push the current regime aside, and would serve as leverage in the future if Iran ever does decide to engage the West.


Iran must be presented with a clear choice: It can become an impoverished, isolated pariah state with nuclear weapons -- like North Korea -- or it can begin to reintegrate with the international community, meet the needs of its people and preserve its security in exchange for forgoing this capability. The choice will be for the Iranians to make. But we must force them to make it.


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Strange.  My views on the subject track your a great deal, yet I can't help but feel much of this piece is just scare-mongering.  For instance, you write It's a delusion to believe that Iran's program is for civilian purposes , "It's a delusion to believe that Iran's program is for civilian purposes only...," but you fail to explain this.  It has apparently reached the status of an unquestionable truth, like "the media is liberal," "democrats are weak on defense," or "Iraq has weapons of mass distruction."

Additionally, you say "The dangers of an Iranian bomb are clear."  But are they?  Isn't the possibility that other countries would build a bomb there anyway?  Iran's conventional force far outweighs Saudi Arabia's, so the Saudis should already have an earnest desire for a balancing weapon.  As for Egypt, they are in no way directly threatened by Iran.  Their only competition would be for influence in the region, in which case building a bomb should have pretty much as much value to then whether or not Iran has one.  Anyway, Egypt has lived next to a high-strung nuclear power for decades without building a bomb. 

As for the "fatal blow" to non-proliferation, I think you might be closing that door a bit late.  I suspect the fatal blow was struck by Israel, or India, or Pakistan, or North Korea, or A.Q. Khan.  Hostility toward Iran won't salvage that.   

Also, you say that Iran having the bomb "could deter the United States and others from responding to Iranian aggression."  Setting asside the fact that Iran has not launched a war in a century, why would that be.  The imbalance between US and Iranian conventional forces is so extreme that we would not need to fully commit to block an Iranian invasion of any country.  For instance, we were able to do significant damage to Iran in the 1980's war simply by giving Iraq satellite data.  Also, we fought a low-level war with the USSR for decades, how could be possibly be prevented from making any similar necessary moves against Iran?

And, of course, you destroy your credibility by asking, "do we really want to run the risk of them passing nuclear materials or even a weapon on to al Qaeda?"  The idea that the world's leading Shi'ite nation would hand its most powerful weapon over to a fringe group that has sworn death to all Shi'ites is absurd on the face of it.  Any reference to such a thing without a massive explanation of why such a possibility is credible is scare-mongering, pure and simple.

As for your talk of sanctions, you have not explained how to make them credible without the support of the entire world.  You have tacitly accepted that without Chinese and Indian support, we cannot cut off Iran's oil sales.  So we are left with ending US and European investment in Iran.  But Iran has done fine without US investment for 25 years.  So you are just advocating that Europe alone cut off investment.  But Iran has its own petroleum sector, and the Chinese industry is growing fast.  With Chinese, and especially with Russian help, Iran could do just fine without European investment.  So your sanctions look pretty weak.

All in all, you seem to be trying to scare your readers, but without offering any real solutions.  

 

 

It can become an impoverished, isolated pariah state with nuclear weapons -- like North Korea --

North Korea with oil.

Offer them a better deal: full membership of WTO, end to US sanctions, US opposition for any Israeli racist settler colonies beyond the 1967 borders (i.e. removal of the 100,000s of thousands of Jewish settlers in the West Bank and East Jerusalem), forcing Israel into the non-proliferation regime, abandoning the idea of permanent bases in Iraq, long term possible entry for Iran into the European Economic Area/ EU customs union like Turkey, a settlement of pre-1979 claims and full diplomatic relations, in return for Iran abandoning neuclear research and permanent full on-site inspections etc by US-EU teams with gendarm powers (reciprocated, if they like, with Iranian investigations of the nuclear sites of the EU non-nuclear powers e.g. Germany).

So far the EU and US have offered little. They are not serious about making the sort of political and economic offer the Iranians would consider worthwhile to abandon their nuclear ambitions. But the US prefers forcing the palestinians to accept Israeli settlements, maintaining Israeli regional hegemony, and lack of integration of Iran into existing forms of global governance to really trying to reduce Iran's incentives to get the bomb. Hence the farce of meaningless and ambiguous "expanded economic and diplomatic ties", the rush to say "diplomacy had run its course", and the steps, slow or quick, to war.

neither the US not Europe can offer any deals involving Israel. Israel is a sovereigrn satte and does take its orders rom either Washington or Brussels.

Sure they can. Israel is entirely dependent on US and EU policies to maintain its colonisation of the Palestinians. Eisenhower forced that 'sovereign state' to abandon its settler colonies once. You could make the same point with Carter. The US can certainly do it again, if its serious about trying to reduce Iran's incentives to get the bomb.

This is an odd claim to make in a post about Iran. It's a sovereign state too, and US and EU policies, including policies toward other states, are trying to affect its behaviour.

Daalder: do we really want to run the risk of them passing nuclear materials or even a weapon on to al Qaeda?


This shocking display of ignorance discredits your entire post.  It's the kind of thing I'd expect from a right-wing Republican pol, not a supposedly respectable policy wonk.


At least have enough basis in reality to get right which terrorist network the Iranian regime would conceivably work with (hint: begins with H.)

The idea that the president of Iraq is "unpopular" defies credibility. On the contrary, his popularity is the problem. The "mullahs," who viewed him during the election as their tool, are now opposing him in parliament and the supreme spiritual advisor, Khamenei, was quoted as saying that Ahmadinejad was elected to solve social issues, not to make war on Israel. Since the whole conservative position, during the 90s, was that Khamenei was the evil power that pulled all the strings, it is remarkable that suddenly he drops out of the equation.

A much smarter way of dealing with Iran is outlined by Iran's Nobel Peace prize winning dissident, Shirin Ebadi, and an Iranian Physicist living in L.A., Muhammed Sahimi, on this Huffington Post report: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/nathan-gardels/iran-nobel-winner-sa ys-un_b_14038.html. I have only one disagreement with their post. One is that the Russian offer can be a good temporary compromise until Iraq agrees to keep protocols in place, or at least for a cooling off period.

Mr. Daadler, like so many other analysts, ignores two points: (1) the only reason Iran is not being subjected to onerous sanctions or worse is due to accidents of geography and the world's continued refusal to wake up to the political consequences of a hydrocarbon-based economy; and (2) it is simply naive not to take the rhetoric of radical Islam seriously, as the radicals are rising in power and  the middle will always go along until it it too late and the pathology of extremism crystalizes into action. Then they pack their valises with the family jewels and head for the border, leaving the rabble behind.

If we develop hydrogen or other alternative fuels with the money we're wasting trying to control the price of oil through murder characterized as the "War on Terror," we've freed ourselves and others from the economic strangle-hold of the petro-terror states.  Then, as we approach self-reliance, we can make clear-eyed polical decisions in response to such states when they advocate our destruction or the destruction of our allies.  At that point, it won't matter if the radical Islamic states collapse into the anarchy that they seek to inflict on the rest of the World.  Maybe the fire would have a purgative effect and maybe not, but there would be no "threat" from such a result, only consequences.

It could deter the United States and others from responding to Iranian aggression or to Tehran's support for terrorism in the Middle East and beyond. And given the messianic streak of Tehran's current leaders, do we really want to run the risk of them passing nuclear materials or even a weapon on to al Qaeda?

A few points in disagreement:

1. Iran does not need a nuclear bomb to deter the US. Thanks to the last US aggression, Iran's leverage in the region is exponentially greater. Arguably, Ahmadinejad's antics have weakened Iran's new power position at least vis-a-vis the West. On the other hand, he has probably strengthened his hand in the region by standing up to Bush's bluster and reinforced his country's deterrent position.

2. Iran's current leadership is not a monolith of messianic fanatics.

3.  Everything Iran has done thus far is legal raising the question - What actions must the UNSC denounce?

4.  Iran does not need Western Oil company technology.  CNOOC has all that Iran needs and in a pinch can look to CITGO/Chavez. An embargo would be ineffective.

5.  In my view, of all the points raised against "complacency", the most telling are the proliferation arguments.  It is possible though by no means probable or certain that development of an Iranian nuclear weapon would lead Egypt, Saudi, perhaps Turkey (NATO's shield sufficient) to develop their own capabilities. Morever, Israel's 200 bomb arsenal is reportedly vulnerable to a first strike. All of this is potentially destabiliizing but all point in one direction and one only - detente and engagement

Thirty years ago, as a poliSci undergrad,  George's Limits of Coercive Diplomacy was all the rage. Googling Limits, I found a number of articles on point by Bruce Jentleson.

I think we've exceed those limits here, but would be interested in Dr. Jentleson's assessment.
And even if sanctions don't work in the short term, they would still be useful to give future Iranian leaders an incentive to cooperate and to send a message to other potential proliferators. At the very least, serious sanctions would slow the nuclear program by squeezing the Iranian economy and cutting off key technologies, would further strain the already disgruntled middle classes who might one day push the current regime aside, and would serve as leverage in the future if Iran ever does decide to engage the West.


Rhetorical legerdemain.

Sanctions that do not work are not "at the very least. serious.."  On the contrary, a failed sanctions regime would further solidify the position of Iranian hardliners and futher weaken moderate elements.


 

Nice piece Ivo. this problem has us in a pickle, no doubt about it and your article is a thoughtful contribution. However, I don't think you can rule out a strike. all options must remain on the table, if only to give us leverage.
On the terrorism issue, i think the point is not necessarily that Iran will deliberately transfer but could do so because of theft and corruption, etc. so Ivo's point is still valid.

Iran must be presented with a clear choice: It can become an impoverished, isolated pariah state with nuclear weapons -- like North Korea -- or it can begin to reintegrate with the international community, meet the needs of its people and preserve its security in exchange for forgoing this capability. The choice will be for the Iranians to make. But we must force them to make it.


Iran is the world's fourth largest oil exporter and second largest natural gas producer. China, India, indeed the world's fossil fuel market as a whole guarantee a false choice.
thoughts:

I see no good reason why we can't publicly as a country apologize to Iran for how we supported the fall of their democratically-elected gov't and the rise of the Shah in the 1950s. 

I also think we need to make a commitment not to rely on nuclear weapons in our own military strategy for the foreseeable future.  That will tend to slacken the arms-race, according to Bob MacNamara.

Finally, we might be able to stave off the oil wars and promote reforms if we adopted European-style oil/gas taxes and compensated people with transfers from a Basic Income Guarantee-style system.  This is the simplest way we can force ourselves to cut down on our oil/gas dependency and reduce the influence of oil-autarchs on our gov't. 

It's one that requires our leaders to call for real sacrifices on our behalf, but a necessary one as part of the War on TErrorism, inasmuch as it is the concentration of oil wealth(and our support of such gov'ts) that makes us targets of terrorist groups. 

If we worked with EU to make the tax on gas/oil vary with improvement in an oil-producing country's human rights record then we might provide the needed political cover for indigenous reform movements in countries. 

It's a win-win situation, so long as we can convince the US population to put aside our hyper-individualism that has long been contributing to these crises.

dlw
Ivo's piece is very superficial, trying to slice the problem down the middle. Simply put neither military actions or sanctions are going to solve the problem. What does a capitalistic society do when someone has something we want? We negotiate to buy it!!!

The Iranians have something we want - namely nuclear technology. We have things they want - better communuications technolgy, WTO membership, badly needed refining capacity, security guarantees, computer technologies etc. Right now Iran's foreign currency reserves are about $15 billion. Sizeable but to us relatively insignificant. A year's military action against Iran would probably run $100+ billion not even mentioning the economic and moral cost of casualties.

How about taking $50 billion in incentives ( the cost of which could even be shared somewhat by Europe and the Gulf Oil states) and buy the Iranians out of their nuclear ambitions. My very limited Iranian sources tell me it's a deal that would at least appeal to the masses and maybe even the clerics. Put a deal like that on the table and give it publicity and we will be the talk of the town in a positive way rather than the current blustering.

The only problem with this proposal is it does not appeal to the American cowboy culture, particularly this administration. We like it best when we can simply bully people to do what we want. Of course, there are other countries which will pursue the same "mouse that roared" approach in hopes of getting similar deals. We will have to take each case on it's merits but such an approach might be useful for others, like North Korea(Japan and South Korea will surely fund it). Of course, we would have to impose ironclad guarantees as part of the package.  

The USA is a huge economic engine that throws off lots of money. It's ability to continue to do so depends on a stable mideast and other parts of the world. Buying our way out of problems surely should be part of our arsenal, along with diplomacy, foreign aid, cultural exchanges and our military.

Ivo:  Ahmadinejad has the West by the balls.

Thanks to Bush's Iraqi debacle, the US can't threaten an invasion and nothing else counts: Sanctions and even bombs will only make the nut jobs in Tehran even stronger.

Comparing oil-rich Iran to impoverished NK is not being serious.  Like China will endanger its prosperity so that Iran doesn't get a nuke (which it will anyway) while Pakistan got one with only a slap on the wrist from Washington. Yes, sure.

Bush put Ahmadinejad in the driver's seat,  but people like Ivo want to believe we can shove him to the back of the bus by talking tough and slapping sanctions. Dream on!

While Iran won't cave in? Easy.  It's surrounded by Pakistan, Russia, the US on both sides (Afghanistan and Iraq) and, within a short range, Israel, all of which have nukes.

PS  a technical mistake you made you might want to correct. YOu say it's Iran's choice to reintegrate the international community and preserve its security, etc.  Not true. The US refuses to grant Iran any security guarantees (even if it denukes) short of regime change.  The US still calls Iran part of the axis of evil. So would you care to clarify your statement?

Has it occurred to you that the US persistent refusal to normalize relations with Iran might be the main source of its paranoia? 

You raise a point that I think needs to be reiterated in all of the current 'what to do about Iran' discussions, namely that the NPT explicitly allows signature countries to develop nuclear technology, including enrichment.  What Iran is doing is fully legal.

The argument that Iran might use its nuclear technology to develop a weapon is certainly valid, but suggests that further safeguards are needed on the NPT.  These would have to be negotiated.

The argument that by hiding nuclear work Iran has been violating the NPT is also valid, but is a two-edged (or multi-edged) sword, because the US, and probably most of the other NPT signers, have also been fudging the limits of the NPT. 

I'd like to commend Weasel on his thorough going over of Daalder and Gordon's typically myopic and dangerous take on the Iranian nuclear question. The most significant thing revealed about Daalder and which Weasel destroys is his innate establishment fear of countries with no record of invading other countries suddenly becoming hyper-aggressive. Though with the U.S. military machine on its border the prediction might turn out be prescient. Daalder sadly represents a typical world view that is delusional in its insistence on maintaining the ruse that the U.S. is an entirely neutral player, sitting atop its mountain of nuclear warheads with Soloman-like wisdom interested only in peace and democracy. I posted my own rant in the reader's blog section entitled "Whither Phase II? Blame It On Iran" of which the following has been excerpted:

"......Never mind about the fact that Iran has a right under international law to nuclear power. Forget that the boys in the nuke club have absolutely no intention of maintaining their obligations under the NPT and yet seem fit to threaten Iran with lethal force if they do! Baloney! Who cares? Stop harping on all this history stuff. You know that nasty little business about a CIA/British coup installing the Shah when their democratically elected leader suggested that Iran should have control over its oil. Forget that in Iran there is a healthy, public debate over whether to pursue nuclear weapons while all the rest of us WMD holders developed our weapons in total secrecy, even from our own citizens. Forget the talk of Iran being surrounded by nuclear tipped missiles. If you don't put a sock in it with this whining about how Israel made a huge display of how their purchase of the latest fighter bombers from the U.S. can, just coincidently you understand, fly missions to and from as far away as Iran, I'm going to force you to listen to a Bush radio address. So what if they're nervous because they have watched how the U.S. enthusiastically supported Iraq's initiation of a bloody war with Iran that killed millions. Sorry, your take on the Israeli bombing of the Iraqi reactor actually jump starting their nuclear weapons program doesn't fly with me. To heck with the U.S. being the biggest arms merchant in the world. I've had it with all of your harping on the U.S.'s insistence on achieving "Full Spectrum Dominance" over the rest of the world and how that increases the likelihood of more states wanting to protect themselves from the threat of U.S. aggression. That line of thinking is twisted. I guess we should all blame America first, right? Will you shut up about U.S. space based weapons on the drawing boards that are fueling an arms race with China and Russia? Forget that the mullahs might be antsy over the U.S. attacking Iraq, which didn't have nukes. Phooey! We're not attacking North Korea, a far more dangerous regime? What's your point? Are you suggesting it's because they have a few bombs? We're not scared of that Kim dude! We have priorities. Forget all this blather about sanctions and/or military strikes setting back the democracy movement in Iran. We know something about sanctions, buddy. Look, killing 500,000 children in Iraq under the sanctions regime and weakening the opposition to Saddam "was worth it". And we sic predators with cameras and missiles on whom we please, mister. Sorry! I can't hear you! I'm not listening to all of this quaking in the boots stuff about how if we lob a little missile into Iran they might make our lives a living hell in Iraq and the rest of the region, the likes of which will have us longing achingly for the good old days of the early occupation, okay? And we've had oil shocks before. I'm not worried about oil prices skyrocketing. Forget about IAEA and their useless inspections. So what if they were right about Iraq and were the one mechanism that could have averted a costly and pointless war. I'm sorry but inspections put me to sleep. Don't bore me with talk of diplomacy and reasoned, steady engagement with our adversaries. Are you kidding? We're talking about the Iranians! They take hostages!! They're not democratic! They don't even speak Arabic for crying out loud! They can't be reasoned with! If you trot out your tired rant about how many murderous regimes (Saddam being a fave) we not only "reasoned" with but kept in guns and hookers for decades I'm going to blow a gasket. I'm serious.


Martin D

Ivo, you struck out this time. I read your article with anticipation for learning about some realistic approach to Iran, something not yet bandied about. Alas, I didn't find that. In fact I found no idea at all about how to approach Iran in a way with some probability for success.

That may well be the fate of every idea proposed - our invasion and occupation of Iraq, along with our torture of Iraqis, and meddling in their process of adopting a new government probably means we cannot productively approach Iran. And, we sure can't handle this problem militarily.

I think, as another commenter put it, Iran just has us by the balls. When that happens you don't try to negotiate, you just ask what they want and give it up.

This article is unmitigated drivel.  Specifically:

"even those most committed to a diplomatic solution with Iran now accept that diplomacy has run its course, and the time for decision and action has arrived."

Nonsense. The Iranians are five years away from a bomb. Secondly, as the Iranian envoy to the IAEA has pointed out in an interview recently, the seals were broken only to resume enrichment research. Everything is STILL under IAEA video cameras.

So where is the "crisis"?  This is propaganda, nothing more.

" It's a delusion to believe that Iran's program is for civilian purposes only and that allowing Iran to master nuclear enrichment is therefore no big deal. Given Iran's long track record of hiding and lying about important aspects of its nuclear program, allowing it to develop enrichment and reprocessing capabilities -- even under an international inspection regime -- would remove the most important technical barrier to its acquiring nuclear weapons and leave the decision of going nuclear entirely in the hands of Ahmadinejad's radical Islamist government. That is an unacceptable risk."

To whom? Israel? That is the only party at risk from a nuclear Iran - and since Iran would NEVER preemptively attack Israel with nuclear weapons as long as the US - with its thousands of weapons - not to mention Israel's nuclear-equipped cruise missle submarines in the Gulf - is Israel's defender, the entire concept is nonsense.

Iran engaged in hidden nuclear research for PRECISELY the reason that their enemies would engage in the exact logic this article does. They also did for the precise reason that ISRAEL did the exact same thing. Notice how Israel's nuclear program is not mentioned anywhere here? Exactly WHY does Israel need in excess of 200 nuclear weapons to DEFEND itself?

"Moreover, a nuclear-armed Iran would represent a major threat to regional and global security. It could deter the United States and others from responding to Iranian aggression or to Tehran's support for terrorism in the Middle East and beyond. And given the messianic streak of Tehran's current leaders, do we really want to run the risk of them passing nuclear materials or even a weapon on to al Qaeda?"

This, too, is utter drivel. How can Iran's one or two nuclear weapons possibly deter the United States - with thousands of nuclear weapons and more than enough conventional military power to destroy Iran's nuclear capabilities in any event - in the event of unprovoked Iranian territorial expansion - let alone an attack on Israel? In the first place, Iran has indicated NO desire to expand its territory to any of its neighbors. Still less likely is the possibility that any such would go unopposed, nuclear weapons or not.

The idea that Iran would hand nuclear weapons to terrorists is completely braindead. Any nuclear weapon handed to terrorists would be tracked back to its origin before or after its use and the supplier would be nuked out of existence. It's ridiculous to even contemplate this scenario.

More importantly, this is the same nonsensical propaganda that was deployed to further notion that Saddam Hussein was a threat to the US - despite the fact that there was never any evidence of a connection between Hussein or Al Qaeda. The evidence linking Iran to Al Qaeda is scarcely any better. The fact that Iran is run by Muslim Mullahs is irrelevant to the issue. The Mullahs are not going to see their entire nation nuked out of existence by arbitrarily handing out nukes to terrorist groups who are not under their total control for the dubious goal of blowing up a city in Israel. It's ridiculous. It's pure neocon propaganda.

The ONLY scenario at risk here is that a nuclear weapon could be STOLEN by terrorists from a state possessing them. This is PRECISELY the reason that Israel should not be allowed to have nuclear weapons. If a terrorist group managed to steal such a weapon and use it on Israel or the United States, who would the US be able to attack in retaliation?

This is hyperbolic propaganda, nothing more.

The article IS correct that using military force against Iran - either by supporting an Israeli attack or initiating one ourselves - is a REALLY bad idea.

The article demands sanctions against Iran by making an oil embargo. Just how would this be enforced? The Iraq oil embargo was hardly totally effective, and Iran's oil influence in the world is far larger than Iraq's.

Exactly how would Iranian oil shipments be embargoed? US naval vessels interdicting Iranian oil shipments on the high seas would result in a war in short order.

The impact of an Iranian oil embargo on the world's economies is glossed over by the article as a "necessary price to pay." However, it has already been specifically analyzed by oil industry analysts, and the conclusions are that the world economies cannot afford to lose Iranian oil. This is in fact why the Iranians are not particularly concerned by any particular threat of sanctions. They KNOW that China, Europe and others NEED Iranian oil.

The final paragraph of this article threatens Iran with being a "pariah impoverished state like North Korea." This is extremely unlikely - first, because Iran has much more to offer the world than North Korea - namely oil and gas. It also has a more thriving economy and dynamic culture than North Korea which has languished under Communist rule for the last half century.

In addition, the article ignores the extraordinary lengths that the Iranians have gone to maintain their involvement with the Western community in the process of negotiating for the right to continue their nuclear program. They have voluntarily gone BEYOND their legal requirements in complying with the West - and as a result they have subjected to repeated verbal attacks by the US government and theats of sanctions and military action, including direct threats by Israel.

If I was treated like that, I would tell the West to "get lost", too. 

The entire article offers NO solutions to the Iranian issue - merely more of the same crap we've come to expect from people who do not understand either Iran's attitude or the position of Iran in the scheme of things - not to mention the baleful influence of both Israel and the neocons on this discussion for their own agendas.

Iran WILL become a nuclear power in the next five years IF that is what they want to do. The only country negatively affected by this situation will be Israel - and that will be GOOD for the Middle East. If other countries in the region seek to go nuclear for the same reasons, that also will be good for the Middle East in restraining and preventing the encroachment of Israel's Zionists on the ultimate plan of completely controlling the Middle East and its oil.

The only way to convince Iran and the other nations in the region NOT to go nuclear would be for the United States to renounce all military support to Israel, to go on the offensive in requiring Israel to live up to the numerous UN resolutions it has defied for fifty years, to refer Israel to the UN for sanctions if it does not begin a program of unilateral nuclear disarmament, to force Israel to deal fairly with the Palestinians, and for the United States itself to renounce all of IT'S interference in the internal affairs of the Middle East including the support of corrupt monarchies and secular governments in the Middle East.

This will also reduce terrorism in the West, because these are precisely the issues that are the cause of the antipathy toward the West which spurs bin Laden and others to attack the West.

Since none of this is going to happen, you had better make peace with the idea of a nuclear Iran - and possibly a nuclear Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and anybody else who is threatened by Israel.

Unfortunately, it is very clear that Israel and the neocons in the US intend to launch a military attack on Iran within the next three to six months (timing depending on preparation of the ground in the UN and elsewhere).

Progressives in the US have no more than this amount of time to press Congress to pass legislation explicitly preventing the President from initiating OR supporting ANY military action against Iran without the express Declaration of War by Congress, and to explicitly prohibit the President from authorizing the use of nuclear weapons against ANY non-nuclear nation without the express authorization of Congress.

Otherwise, a year from now, you'll all be saying how you were against the war in Iran from the git-go - as thousands of US troops die every month , and a gallon of gas costs you $10, and the US economy sinks back into recession.

 

 



 

 

Darn, Richard.  If we were to follow your prescription, huge military spending might no longer be necessary, think tanks would go mute, infuriated pro-Israel neocons and an entire defense industry might wither away.  Worst of all, the West might have to get serious about finding new, non-petroleum, energy sources and we'd wind up with a progressive government and society.

What a nightmare.

How could you. 

Yep, those war drums are beating triplets.

I'm suspicious. I don't see any advantage to Iran in having nuclear weapons, as the possessing of them would only make them a prime target of the United States' larger, better-targeted and lunatic-controlled (see under Iraq, Invasion of) arsenal. What it achieves for Ahmadinejad (sp?) is a casus belli - if there is an Israeli/US attack on his facilities, he can declare the kind of military emergency against his domestic opponents that George W has against his.

For me, the dog that hasn't barked is the Iranian military. Given the level of casualties that the Iran-Iraq war implied they seem prepared to accept, they have a quite playable "game" in which they make a massive infantry attack along their long frontier with Iraq, beseige the US Army compounds and take 130,000 hostages; they then declare a pan-Islamic "green march" on Israel, consisting of Iranian soldiers, irregulars, civilians and a human shield of U.S. PoWs. Not quite Geneva convention, but what does that count after Guantanamo/Bagram/Abu Ghraib?

If that's too bold a move, they could simply issue a formal declaration of war. Stability in Iraq is then SUNK. But Ahmadinejad needs a provocation before he can issue one of those, so he needs the brinkmanship of playing with nuclear capability.


If Iran was serious about deterring a US attack, they would be seeking security guarantees from the Chinese. A Chinese nuclear umbrella over Iran may yet happen, indeed it may end up on the table as a quid pro quo against Iran developing its own capability.

Like small children, we Americans tend to see everything going on in the world as about us, demanding our attention.
 
The latest Iran moves may well not be about us.  They probably please a lot of people in the Middle East who like to see us get our knickers in a twist, but Iran's muscle flexing is as likely to be about a) internal politics, and b) the relationship with China.  The reaction of the US and Europe could just be gravy for Ahmadinejad who strikes me as being remarkably like George W. Bush in character and pretensions.

Darn, Richard.  If we were to follow your prescription, huge military spending might no longer be necessary, think tanks would go mute, infuriated pro-Israel neocons and an entire defense industry might wither away.  Worst of all, the West might have to get serious about finding new, non-petroleum, energy sources and we'd wind up with a progressive government and society.


You left out the worst consequence of all: folks like Ivo would see their career prospects dry up and blow away.  The entire mindset of scare, scare, scare is self-perpetuating, because almost everyone gains some benefit from it.  Scared people pay more attention to the media, so the media benefit.  Scared people support defense spending, so defense industries benefit.  Scared people support the government, so politicians benefit.  Scared people like being alternatively frightened and then reassured, so people like Ivo benefit.  And of course, as anyone who's ever told or listened to ghost stories around a campfire or been to a horror film knows, people themselves love a good vicarious scare.  Everyone wins here, unless you happen to be in one of the countries we're scared of.  Somebody's got to pay for all this fun, though, so it might as well be them.


 

The only real information I gleaned is how badly mis-informed conventional wisdom seems to be. The Author takes several half-baked notions and cobbles them together with some wishfull thinking vis-a-vis our tactical and stratigic position. And then he seasoned it with some Karl Rove propaganda that somehow has wormed its way into the public pysche. It smells like faliure and looks like an attempt to convince oneself that we still control events.

 

We do in the same way a passenger does when the wing comes off the 747 at 35angels. Sure there might be a parachute stashed somewhere, and sure you might somehow find it while overcoming the centrifigul force of the spinning airplane, but mostly we are just along for the ride.

 


 

The Iranian government believes, as Ahmadinejad put it recently, that "you [the West] need us more than we need you." Do we really want to encourage him in this belief?


The better question to ask ourselves is whether what Ahmadinejad said about us needing them more than they need us is actually true.  I think it may be, because he has the power to shake up the oil market.  That's the difference between Korea and Iran.


Who suffers most under sanctions?  The people, not the leadership.

You make for a Darn Good discussion here, Richard. 

 One point that  does not seem very clear though is how Israel  and the neocons will attack Iran in  the next three to six months. Is William Kristol  in the Air Force Reserve or something? 

"Unfortunately, it is very clear that Israel and the neocons in the US intend to launch a military attack on Iran within the next three to six months (timing depending on preparation of the ground in the UN and elsewhere)."

 You make a good point here:  "The article IS correct that using military force against Iran - either by supporting an Israeli attack or initiating one ourselves - is a REALLY bad idea."

This truly is a good discussion; we should have had one about Iraq. 

 

 

 

Dumm, Dumm, Dumm.  The sound of drums in the Mines of Moria in the Lord of the Rings.  But the orcs are on the far side of the flames!  Then the orcs part and . . . an enormous, evil Balrog is come!  Durin's Bane!  That which the dwarves had disturbed when they delved too deep for mithril, and which had destroyed them.  Even Arathorn and Boromir are terror-stricken, but Gandalf the Wizard stands his ground on the bridge at Kaza-Dum.  The Balrog jumps onto the bridge and swings his huge flaming sword.  Gandalf counters with the white light of Glamdring, and lo!  The Balrog's sword is shattered.  But the Balrog, flaming, advances.  Gandalf utters a Word of Command and strikes the stone of the narrow bridge with his staff.  The whole bridge in front of him cracks and begins to drop, with the Balrog upon it.  Just as it appears that Gandalf has triumphed against the evil thing sent by Sauron, the Balrog's tail wraps around him and drags him into the abyss!  As he falls, he shrieks to the Company, "Fly, you fools!  Then he is gone.

 

 

Instead of a careful discussion we get instead the soon to be enshrined (maybe already established) pundit-talk that will make Daalder and Gordon must-have-guests when the talk shows bring in the "other" side that in fact is just neo-con lite. As Luigi Vampa says this is dealing in scare talk. And what is most scary is that these academics, Daalder and Gordon, are brought out as if they had a new idea instead of neo-con lite. Perhaps instead of telling us what are Unacceptable risks or maniacal leadership (most of the world thinks that is Cheney/Rumsfeld/Bush/Gonzalez), you might look at the world from outside the box of the neo-con "American power can do whatever it wants". It cannot. It could not before Iraq; but any lingering doubt was erased as the body count has run into thousands, the wounded into tens of thousands, the economic costs into the hundreds of billions.
It is my view that the only position that has the moral power to effect control of would-be nuclear arms developers is to strengthen international control and disarmament; that means the US must from a position of strength give up some of its power. Either we give up the semi-monopoly of nuclear arms; or we risk nations we don't like (it HAS happened before with Russia and China) getting nuclear weapons; or we go to war. Only the latter alternative seems to me to involve unacceptable risks.
I just want to say how impressed I was that so many of the replies to Daalder and Gordon were so cogent and well-thought out. I learned a greatdeal. As for the original post, I cannot think of a more appropriate place for it to appear than in what is now a thoroughly discredited rag, the Washington Post.

The Israelis have shown in the past that they do not respond well to pressure from either the US or Europe. You have some good ideas for how Europe and the US but take Israel off the table; nothing is going to happen there.