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Yuppie Democrats

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Ed Kilgore, in recognition of Eugene McCarthy's passing, observed:

But while Kusnet focuses on the temperamental aspects of the tradition that linked Adlai and McCarthy to such later liberal activist heroes as Mo Udall and Bill Bradley--candidates who sometimes conveyed the sense they were too good to actually win--I think there's a more obvious strain that runs from Stevenson to McCarthy to McGovern to Gary Hart to Paul Tsongas to Howard Dean (and could include Russ Feingold if he emerges as a major candidate in 2008). It's a tradition of candidates who expanded the Democratic appeal into previously Republican or independent upscale professional territory, but at the risk of losing touch with the old Democratic coalition of working-class and minority voters.

True enough. The interesting thing, to me, is that while all these men ran insurgent presidential campaigns, McCarthy and McGovern were insurgents from the "left" while Hart and Tsongas were waging "centrist" insurgencies. Dean was on the "left" again, but as governor of Vermont was controversial inside the party for being a "centrist" and, indeed, in the very early days of his campaign (think until some time late in 2002) was understood as a "centrist" insurgent in the Hart-Tsongas tradition. But these men aren't ideological antagonists, as Ed says there's a very clear sense in which they all belong to the same political tradition. Call them the "yuppie Democrats."

Obviously, the difference is that the "left" yuppies ran during wars and the "center" yuppies ran during peacetime. But they all were actually very similar politicians. Of the two "center" yuppies, one was dead by the time of the Iraq War, and the other was against it, just like "left" yuppies. Dean, meanwhile, genuinely did ditch some of his "centrist" positions during the campaign -- he flip-flopped on trade and abandonned his initial critique-from-the-right of NCLB and spun it as a critique-from-the-left -- but only did so after he was painted as a "left" insurgent and remained committed to balanced budgets and so forth.

The point being, that war matters a lot in politics when it matters at all. The same constellation of views that counts as "centrist" in peacetime becomes "leftwing" in wartime.

In some ways, this leads me to believe that people may be underestimating Russ Feingold's potential as a primary candidate. Unlike Dean, he has a real record as a labor liberal as well as his ties to the yuppie political tradition. In addition, we're seeing to some extent the yuppification of the labor movement and leadership roles are increasingly filled by highly educated labor lawyers rather than former shop stewards. Once Dean looked like he might win and demonstrated a willingness to make some policy concessions, some major unions were ready to endorse him. Feingold can pull off this off less awkwardly and perhaps more effectively.


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I've always thought of Wisconsin as a "values conservative" state -- Roman Catholic union white guys, "from my dead hand" hunters, and "Cheeseheads" from Green Bay.  I know there's Madison and Milwaukee.

Am I wrong?

What's Feingold's appeal?

How are his reelection prospects?   

last fall, running substantially ahead of Kerry in the state - 56,57% compared to Kerry's 50 and change. I think he won reelection in '98 as well.
I think Feingold appeals because he has a kind of "down home" straight talk quality about him - and a strong upper midwestern twang - that carries him along way. Clearly it carries him a long way in Wisconsin - on a national scale, this remains to be seen.
But he will be a factor in '08, although I doubt he gets the nomination.

last fall, running substantially ahead of Kerry in the state - 56,57% compared to Kerry's 50 and change. I think he won reelection in '98 as well.

I think Feingold appeals because he has a kind of "down home" straight talk quality about him - and a strong upper midwestern twang - that carries him along way. Clearly it carries him a long way in Wisconsin - on a national scale, this remains to be seen.


Feingold won by about 12% last year, which is the largest margin of victory he's ever had, and much smaller than the average winning % for incumbent senators across the country.  Herb Kohl, the other senator from Wisconsin, won his re-election in 2000 by 25 points or so, which is about average for an incumbent.  Feingold is a bomb waiting to go off on the national stage: if he barely scrapes by, with all the advantages of incumbency, now, his appeal across the country isn't likley to be very high.  

"In some ways, this leads me to believe that people may be underestimating Russ Feingold's potential as a primary candidate."


This is where you go off the rails IMHO.


The goo-goo slot is always the losing slot.  Even when Hart got more votes than Mondale, it was still the losing slot.  The rules existing in '72 that let a plurality candidate win the nomination are long gone.  If you re-ran '72 under the current rules, McGovern wouldn't have been the nominee.


If by "underestimating" you mean that Feingold will make enough noise in Dec '07 and Jan '08 for you to write numerous blog posts and articles, then sure.  But if you mean that Feingold could be a serious candidate for the nomination, then you're missing the essential nature of the goo-goo slot.

Warner = Tsongas

Edwards = Hart

Feingold = McCarthy

Petey -- I think you're being unkind to Warner (who I thought you liked nearly as much as your beau, Johnny Sunshine), comparing him to Tsongas.  Sure they were both known as fiscally responsible governors, but Warner's face and name is much easier on the eye, and the fact that he's from VA and not MA is also a big factor to his advantage.

I hate to say it, but Feingold's tallest hurdle to overcome may be that he's only 5'7" (and that's on a good day).

"I think you're being unkind to Warner ... comparing him to Tsongas."


It's just typecasting.  Mark Warner is not a carbon copy of Tsongas in many, many ways.  But he does suggest certain aspects of the Tsongas zone of appeal.


Likewise, my beau Johnny Edwards is not a carbon copy of Gary Hartpence.

"I hate to say it, but Feingold's tallest hurdle to overcome may be that he's only 5'7"


I'd say the marital situation is a hurdle for him set 20 yards up in the sky that no human being is likely to overcome....

Interesting post.  Mcgovern was actually a classic upper midwest old fashion left-Progressive (in the early 20th century iteration), who wrote his Phd dissertation on the Ludlow, Colorado massacre of coal miners by John Rockefeller's goon squad--he was ardently pro-labor and pro-union, but the culture clash on the Vietnam war destroyed his chances of obtaining the endorsement of the AFL-CIO--for the only time in its history, the labor federation was officially "neutral" in a presidential campaign.

These other guy's jettisoned McGovern's class based politics in favor of another bequest of that Progressive tradition:  professiona, expertise, dispassionately dispensed by middle class experts.  Hart and Tsongas are perfect exemplars of this, and they, indeed, had no working class program or appeal.

As Matt says, people like SEIU president, Andy Stern, and hotel union leader, John Wilhelm now embody a synthesis of both strands of progressivism:  a working class leadership trained to be professional experts (although I should note that neither Stern, Wilhelm nor any other union president is a lawyer--that neither necessary nor, I think, desirable).  Althoughthe late Paul Wellstone was really the embodiment of this synthesis in its political manisfestation, Feingold--from the Wisconsin, home of the LaFollette's progressive who supported unions and workers--may become a reasonable facscimile.

The Daily Kos is revealing in this regard.  Kos himself knew little about labor only a couple of years ago.  But he has come to recognize unions as a crucial component of any liberal/democratic resurgence, and his forthcoming book contains a section about labor. 

 


 

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