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Some Thoughts on Readers' Comments

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First off, I want to thank everyone for taking the time to write comments and questions. I thought the easiest way would be try to group some of them together. I'm going to try to answer another batch tomorrow, if at all possible.

    I took Ellen's advice and got some shuteye, and I pondered the words of Jerry who sees in me a physical resemblance to Thomas Friedman, so let's get started.

This question of civil war is really pressing, and I think it is actually important to say whether one is under way or not. I believe it is, but maybe not in the way we've fashioned it in the past: Sunni, Shiite and Kurd. When I think of the civil war in Iraq, I'm struck by the fault lines that are getting less attention. There is the sometimes explosive rivalry between Hakim's Badr milita and the Sadr forces. We've seen time and again the flaring of differences in western Iraq between insurgent groups. (As far back as last year, I heard an Iraqi guerrilla from Fallujah, of the nationalist variety, vowing to shoot any Arab expat trying to give him orders.) We should be careful in not minimizing differences between the two Kurdish parties. Understandably our attention is focused on Zarqawi's threats to wage an unrelenting campaign against Shiites. But in the long run, it's the intra-communal battles that I think are more decisive and worrisome.

    I was struck by mimikatz's note. I think you're right, that is a sentiment we're going to hear more and more often. It sounds a little flaky, but I do believe that very rarely since the invasion have Iraqis and Americans spoken the same language. Obviously, there's the literal sense. But even in the vocabulary, ideas, perspectives, it was rare to see either side hear the other. I think back to Karima and her family, whom I wrote about in Night Draws Near. Talk about democracy and liberation seemed indulgent to them when they went three days without electricity and were still lugging water up two flights of stairs. In a way, those infrastructure issues may seem mundane, paling before the grander questions of political destiny. But at any moment, on any one day, they're simply overwhelming, even suffocating. Often, nothing else matters.

    It's great to hear from Swopa. I'm a reader. Really sharp stuff. A couple of quick thoughts on your note. I heard in Najaf last month that Sistani wasn't happy with how the coalition had turned out. And, in fact, I've always felt that the Supreme Council's success had much, much less to do with its own organizational capacity and more to do with its affiliation with Sistani. I'm not sure what Sistani's particular complaint is, if any. I was struck, too, by the frustration I heard about Sistani's own reticence. Several people asked why he hadn't spoken up recently on some pretty key issues - Sadr, the constitution, the government. On Sadr, here's the group's take, which makes some sense to me. In each fight, they've felt provoked, and the movement almost always reads politics as an existential game. In April, they were convinced the Americans were out to destroy them and, at the very least, arrest Sadr himself. Later that year, even some in the military in Najaf have acknowledged they may have picked the fight. I know we haven't heard the last from him. But I don't think he would unleash another uprising in a vacuum. My sense in reporting the past couple of months is that the Sadr movement sees the Mehdi Army as their last defense and, as important (perhaps even more), a way to ensure that their politics are taken seriously. More and more, Iraq is run by men with guns.

    Quixote's remarks are interesting, and thanks for sending them. I'd point back to what I said about Todd's questions. I feel strongly that our preconception of Iraq has become its reality. Some things were probably inevitable - an insurgency, the infusion of religion into politics, the collapse of infrastructure, the rise of Sadr in one fashion or another - but the state of affairs today is very much the consequence of concrete steps that organized politics almost exclusively along communal lines.

    On Liberal Voice's post, I hate to write about things I don't know about, and on a lot of those subjects, I'm a little bit uninformed. But you asked about officials who cared about Iraq. I just want to use this moment to remember Hume Horan, who has since passed away. He was a good man in Baghdad, and I was fond of him. There are a lot of sincere and committed people in the Green Zone, and Hume was one of them.

    I'm going to stop there. These comments, almost without exception, are really compelling. Again, thank you for taking the time to write them, and thanks for the kind words. I'll try to answer more tomorrow. I'm looking forward to it.


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What with the ongoing strength of the Shia and Kurdish militias (and presumably, Sunni militias formed, forming, or about to form), who's left who can be relied upon to man -- and thereafter, not go over to the side of their community's militia when the going gets tough -- a central government's army, guard, and police forces?

Or to put it in other terms, is Iraqi-ization a realistic policy? 

Anthony,

Thanks for the kind reply.  I am sure that true humanitarians exist everywhere - no doubt - and your friend Hume will surely be remembered in that context by other good people like you who knew him best.

On Liberal Voice's post, I hate to write about things I don't know about, and on a lot of those subjects, I'm a little bit uninformed. But you asked about officials who cared about Iraq. I just want to use this moment to remember Hume Horan, who has since passed away. He was a good man in Baghdad, and I was fond of him. There are a lot of sincere and committed people in the Green Zone, and Hume was one of them.

 Something that has fascinated me for a long time has been the inconsistency of intelligence reports on Saddam in comparison with the experience of the media in Iraq at the time.

The intelligence reports we now know were doctored and many of us knew that truth even then.  But what I don't understand is why the media who operated in Iraq did not correct the record. 

Any thoughts on that? Did the media sit on their hands in reporting on Iraq.

In CT, we have numerous local news channels where the spirit of filmmaker Ed Woods lives on.  Whenever a foreign dignitary is speaking, a background of goose stepping soldiers following armaments frames whatever is being said. Propaganda has better production values.  Yet in the sprint to Iraqi invasion it seems that this media deference to republican agendas was even practiced by the MSM. Can you speak to the conditions that existed in the newsrooms at the time?

Anthony - Great read.  I am 2/3 of way through your book, in 1shot.  As I said in my earlier comments I really enjoy the quiet, flow of your writing.  The best I can describe the impact of your writing is that I find myself expanding my thinking as I read.     

All non-expert policy makers who want to make foreign policy decisions need to read your book along with Graham Greene's "Quiet American" to understand how much they don't understand about other countries. 

What keeps US officials from learning as they go?  We know neophytes were sent but isn't there some learning going on?  Did you find Iraqi and US officials who were frustrated by the lack of understanding by the decision makers, in Iraq and DC? How did they explain it?

As I read I wondered how many Iraqis now wish to have Saddam back to provide a working society. 

I was struck by your reference to Moqtada Sadr as one of a very few actors with national perspective.  I recall an article by Ms. [Melanie?] Klein in Harper's some months back.  She said the newspaper articles that occupation forces cited when shutting down Sadr's paper (or one of them), leading to the escalation in Fallujah, were provocative to Iraqis because they accurately characterized Bremer's overall plans for the economic infrastructure--specifically, to embed radically free-market institutions so deeply that large foreign investors would be protected in the event of nationalization.  The treatment of such investments would turn in large part on the nature of the legal regime that enabled them--whether it was regarded as an authentic Iraqi government or an interim, foreign structure.

This is not, I think, at all distant from the cultural differences and matters of daily life you have focussed on; ask the displaced people from New Orleans if they're preoccupied with thoughts of democracy and such or with basic physical needs.  My question is simply whether your impression is that Klein is on to something.  If we shut down Iraqi newspapers that accurately characterize our efforts to lock in an infrastructure that Bush economists adore, rather than one with some relation to Iraqi preferences and culture, we're just compounding our ignorance.

I've admired your dispatches and look forward to the book.  Thanks. 

It's great to hear from Swopa. I'm a reader. Really sharp stuff.


Pardon me while I pick myself up off the floor.  Thank you -- a compliment like that is immensely rewarding.  


(For the record, the site is http://www.needlenose.com, with Iraq coverage here and here ... celebrity endorsers have not been paid for their services.)

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