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Credibility Gap

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Here was Joe Biden on Iraq in June 2004:

Maybe, as some argue, so many mistakes have been made in Iraq that it is impossible to turn the corner. Anti-American attitudes and a nascent warlordism may already be so deeply entrenched that there is little we can do to succeed. It would be foolhardy to deny that possibility. But it would be even more foolhardy, and dangerous, to accept failure as inevitable and move to cut our losses. Despite the naysayers, it is not too late. But only the president can alter our course in Iraq. As he did when Congress first authorized him to use force, the president has the choice of using his power effectively or squandering it to satisfy ideological predilections. Let us hope he has grown wiser in the past year.

That struck me as sensible at the time. Then a year passed. Then another two months. Then two days ago Joe Biden wrote this:

The Bush administration's mishandling of Iraq has brought us to the brink of a national security debacle. To salvage the situation, the administration must fundamentally change course inside Iraq, in the region and at the international level.

You can see the problem here. The administration's line on Iraq -- it's all good just stay the course -- is at odds with the facts, but it's coherent. Most Democrats, meanwhile, warn that we're on the brink of failure, but it's too soon to give up. But they've been saying that for over a year now, and that can't be right. We can't perpetually be on the brink of failure. Calls to take one last stab at changing the course would have more credibility if I felt the callers would ever concede that, if the course isn't changed, it's time to start cutting our losses. At the end of August, Wesley Clark urged Bush to change strategy "Before It's Too Late in Iraq". I got to ask him about that recently:

Matt Yglesias of the American Prospect pushed the general on when he would know it was time to bring the boys home.

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Perhaps the mistake here is to talk about "imminent" failure or the "brink" of failure. That sets you up as wrong absent some unequivocal sign that things are indeed a failure.




Like Bush economic policies, Bush military policies will cause damage and unambiguously fail in their objectives. But we don't know when that lack of ambiguity will be. This the peril of basing your policy preferences on reality as opposed to fantasy.

A failure can only be determined in relations to our goal(s).  If our goal is a unified and democratic Iraq in the form we ant to see, then I think we have already failed.  If we have more modest goals of allowing the people of Iraq to exercise self determination and allow them to chose the form of government they want it still can work.  The 2 great revolutions of the past 300 years were the American and French revolutions.  Both of those uprisings were based upon the people wanting to govern themselves in a way they saw fit.  It wasn't the French and Americans rising up to put a government in place that the Italians thought was the best.


The sooner we realize that the Iraqi people need to be fully in control of the founding of their government the sooner we can get out.  But if we insist on placing conditions on how Iraq governs themselves then, like I said earlier, we have already failed.


We need to withdraw and at our earliest opportunity, which in my thinking was last week.  If we withdraw tomorrow it will still be a victory.  We wouldn't have failed it would be a success because we will have given the Iraqi people the freedom of self determination, just like the chance the Americans and French had centuries ago...

Calls to take one last stab at changing the course would have more credibility if I felt the callers would ever concede that, if the course isn't changed, it's time to start cutting our losses.


Good for you, Matt, for calling bullshit on this "stay the course" mentality.


The Bush Administration cannot salvage the situation because they have neither the competence to do it alone, or the influence with our allies to get them to help.


Everyone knows it's time to get out. And everyone knows the Bush Administration is waiting for the politically opportune time to do it.


This has nothing to do with "standing up Iraqis." It's about winning elections here at home.


Stay the course Dems are conceding this issue to Republicans by allowing them to set the timetable.


Wrong move.

We can't perpetually be on the brink of failure.

Nope.  The conclusion I take is that we are not now, nor have we ever been, on the brink of failure.  (IMO, the closest we ever got to failure was during the twin battles of Falluja I and the Sadr uprising.)  Doubt that'll fly 'round these parts... but there it is.

The thing is, hardly anyone who says we are "on the brink of failure" defines what the opposite of failure - i.e., success - means.  I wish THAT is what Matthew had asked Clark.

Matt


Your point does highlight why Bush never deviates from his stated talking points and never admits failure of being wrong.


Why is this so hard to grasp.  The goal as far as Biden, Clark, Tom Friedman and others is for Iraq to be able to stand on its own as a multi-ethnic, constitutional democratic state.   Bush from the moment he failed to tell the American People the truth he made that harder.  The appointment of Bremmer and the continual failure to protect the Iraqis makes these goals ever harder to achieve.  That is not the same thing as saying we should remove our troops now.  The problems in Iraq are not so surprising given Saddems misrule.  However, there are courses of action  between "staying the course" and pulling out now.

Democrats cannot take the lead on calling for withdrawal from Iraq.
And it's not like the White House ever listens to them.

 

Bush is president until January 20, 2009.
He will have to try and solve his clusterfuck.

Despite the administration's refusal to identify a timeline for withdrawal as well as the opposite insistence that there shouldbe one (however weakly advanced), it strikes me that underlying both positions is the timeline of events going back to the first Iraqi election, the drafting of the Constitution and the upcoming vote in October and election in January. What is telling, is the reluctance of either side to articulate plans for withdrawals in terms of these future milestones. The administration's preference for stating that the US will stand down when Iraqi's can defend themselves" is so nebulous that it seems to undercut the idea of even having an objective goal at all. More discouraging, is that it always seems to have betrayed a lack of confidence in there being any connection between Iraqi ability for self-defense and political self-determination.

In short, politicians have no need (barring some extraordinary catastrophe there) to insist on the withdrawal of troops at least until January 06. How quickly insistence that US troops be withdrawn after that emerges and from what quarter is the real political question.



  

the rhetorical cul de sac so isolated.  there's no facts really being fixed around the policy.  of course we're talking about future "facts" or different ideas of what happens when troops are pulled out.

i see biden's rhetoric being fixed around the consideration that an unoccupied iraq would be even more violent and bloody than it's been even over the last 48 hours.  apparently they do still need electricity and one tends to wonder if that kind of infrastructure could be built there without some form of occupation.  the consideration that a "failure" in iraq will create generations of even more extreme anti-americanism. 

feel free to challenge biden on these assumptions at this point.

but it's obvious to me, given his set of assumptions that he's merely doing his best to advocate a completely different policy towards iraq.  just not one that includes leaving iraq.




 

I've said it before. I'll say it again.



There is absolutely no reason to waste your time labeling yourself "stay the course" or "we have to change course."



Senator Biden should accept the president's terminology. Nay, he should say in his patented dismissive good ol' regular guy way:



"Tim, this isn't about whether we stand down as the Iraqis stand up, or whether we withdraw our forces. Everyone agrees, at this point, that the goal is to get out of Iraq as soon as possible while leaving a stable government in place. The question is how we do this. At the moment, the president has no plan. At the moment, there is no criterion to indicate the completetion of the mission. At the moment, all we know is that the president wants to stay in Iraq indefinitely."



Just keep saying that. "I support standing down as the Iraqis stand up. I join the president in this goal. What's his plan? What's the absolute deadline for withdrawing American forces? 2010? The president's plan is to stay in Iraq indefinitely. There's no end in sight."



"Yes, let's stay the course until the Iraqis are free. But we have to have a plan. What is the president's plan. He had no plan for New Orleans. He has no plan for Iraq. He plans to stay there indefinitely. 2010. 2015. 2020. Those are all dates that are consistent with what the president has said. The president wants to stay in Iraq indefinitely."



As I've said before, and may have said once or twice here, the message is "The president wants to stay in Iraq indefinitely."



That's a true statement. It makes it clear that president is weak, indecisive and has no plan. Say it over and over again. Say it until one of those gutless weenies at the gaggle ask Scotty: "Scott, there are some Democrats saying that the president means to stay in Iraq indefinitely. Do you have a comment?"



Biden can also step above the fray with this line. "Let's not get into partisan rhetorical squabbles here. We all agree on the ultimate goal. I'm happy to say we should stay the course until the job is done if that will move along the discussion. But I need to know what the job is, when it will be done and when the deadline is for saying that we've done the best we can. Rignt now, all I know is that the president wants to stay in Iraq indefinitely."


I can't help having the nasty suspicion that the reason comments like Biden's don't seem like a serious way to think about the issues is that they aren't really an attempt to think about the issue of Iraq policy. That is, they aren't an attempt to answer questions like "What can we do at this point that will be least disastrous for Iraqis?," or "Is the US presence in Iraq helping or hurting US security?," or "What are the US goals in Iraq, and what metrics should we use to evaluate whether those goals are achievable?".

Rather, comments like Biden's come across as an attempt to answer a different question: "What can I do, as an elected politician, to make the whole question go away so that Iraq won't come up as an issue the next time I run for election?".

That's not a serious way to think about policy, and I also have to think it's bad politics.

Indeed, Brad. Matt, Matt. . . . Failure looks like this:
--The failure to emplace a constitution and a parliamentary government of some description.
--The fracturing of Iraq into competing fiefdoms.
--Genocide.

That failure may happen later this year, or early next year--or in the next couple of weeks or even days, given Zarqawi's declaration of war, the accelerating pace of explosion and slaughter now underway around Baghdad, and the October 15 vote on the constitution, in the wake of which the pulse of Iraqi democracy may well immediately decease except in the fevered minds of the administration's machers. That's not nothing, Matt--that's catastrophic disaster. You see failure; you ain't seen nothing yet. You are still not engaging with this monumental disaster with your customary seriousness and focus. I understand: You were never ON the bus. Well, neither was I, friend. But now it's careening toward us. . . .

"But they've been saying that for over a year now, and that can't be right. We can't perpetually be on the brink of failure."

You seem to have a bit of a short-term view:  "over a year" does not equal "perpetually"

I think Matthew might turn to Todd Gitlin some time and ask him about the feelings bright young 20-somethings had about vietnam lo these 40 years ago now.

The much-vaunted iraq-vietnam comparison has always been true on precisely one level: unwinnable wars sold on false pretenses. But finding a politically acceptable way out is what took years....

http://www.liberalsagainstterrorism.com/drupal/?q=node/1682

Defining goals is an important first step in determining failure. The above link, I think, does a better job than most of clearly spelling out different types of goals.

I'd suspect that of any of the national Democratic figures, Wes Clark would give you the straightest and most knowledgeable answer, since he's been both on the 'failure' end (Vietnam) and the successful end (Kosovo) of the spectrum of war.


Virtually everthing that Clark predicted would happen in Iraq (since his testimony before the HASC in 2002) has come true. It would be a mistake to think that he's not doing his best to advance the truth in this case. Even if it may not be the answer we'd all like to hear, I'm going to have to accept that it may be the only answer.

.

I'm disappointed that you only had time to ask a 'soundbite' question, since the answer is neither simple or easy. (Sounds to me like he's learned the art of the soundbite, though).

.

Have you considered doing an in-depth interview with Clark? You should make the effort.... it would be a fascinating conversation.

There's an a priori commitment to not withdraw here, and the facts and intelligence are being fixed around the policy.


You have a very strong point in just this statement.


The problem certainly is 'seat of the pants' planning and reaction.


But but but is that not partly because the administration is wanting to get a significant number of troops out ASAP?


This one issue is really like Vietnam in its later stages, though I hate most of the use of Vietnam analogies.


Everyone wants lots of troops out ASAP and Iraqis to take over but no one can figure out how to do that.


Where Biden and others criticism is on target in mho is that they are looking for honesty and transparency on: what are the big picture goals? And we aren't getting that.


Especially, we are not getting honesty and transparency on whether the intent is for bases to remain there. That's probably cause the administration is doing 'seat of the pants,' going to see what happens, who ends up in charge, how it works out, if it quiets down, see if leaving bases there will fly. That makes it hard for generals to fight a 'war'. They don't know if that is in the goals or not? They don't have a clear goal for the U.S. interest? All they know they are supposed to do is: train Iraqis to take over stuff? The military, they just basically try to do what you tell them to. I think Biden is saying that you have to tell them more what you are after.

I don't think Matt's criticism is valid in the larger scheme of things. This is politics. I think he’s expecting elected officials to do the media’s job to inform the public of controversial views.

There are plenty of things I blame politicians for, but we can’t blame them for every irrational tendency of our culture. The American public deeply values and votes for leaders who will “stay the course” and pretend we’re invincible, irrationally hope against all odds, because that’s what the public generally believes. We vote for rhetoric and ideology over wonkiness, which may be the death of us, but it’s not our politician’s fault.

I blame our culture first and foremost, but I blame the media far more than the politicians. A politician is supposed to be a whore to some extent, albeit a competent whore hopefully.

It’s the media’s job to ask hard questions as only they can comfortably do  in the hypothetical, specifically because they’re not charged with making decisions or leading. It’s their job to inform the public so our culture can learn and evolve.

It’s the media which is failing most miserably imho, maybe because they’re owned by conglomerates driven by other agendas and advertisement. Maybe because media pundits just punch the clock and don't really have to give a shit becasue they'll be fine regardless. But even there I see a great deal of public blame becasue we generally worship schlock.

This is implicitly my point in my comment above. By taking this stance then and now Biden is not engaging the actual policy problem, which is how we go about withdrawing (or staying the course[the rhetoric doesn't matter]) in practical, achievable terms that minimize any further damage*. He is engaging in political positioning. While I say "Feh" to that--the issue is way more important than his Q rating--his position is also politically ineffective. Or should I say "gutless" which, in this case, amounts to the same thing?



IOW, I agree completely. This is bad policy-making, and bad politics. Somebody needs to step up and face the policy question, and stop dancing around the issue.



It happens that it would be good politics to confront the president on this. So there's no excuse for taking the gutless position.

The thing is, hardly anyone who says we are "on the brink of failure" defines what the opposite of failure - i.e., success - means.


While I disagree about how close we are to failure, you are 100% correct about an undefined "success."


Success became undefineable on September 11, 2001, when the Bush Administration decided Iraq was reponsible, despite not having a shred of evidence.

Whether there is a commitment to withdraw or there is a commitment to not withdraw, which I don't agree Clark is making, it makes no sense to show our hand and [i]say[/i] we will withdraw. Clark believes that a timeline or deadline weakens the position of the Iraqi government, at the same time as it weakens the position of our troops. I think everybody wants to withdraw, who wouldn't? But we're going to be stuck with what we leave behind, and I believe Clark when he says the Iranians, the Saudis, the Turks, the Syrians, and all of Europe, have a stake in what we leave behind and would come to the table if Bush showed the leadership he hasn't shown. It's not just a question of what we want to hear. It's a whole lot easier to say bring them home no matter what follows, but we're way beyond national security and into global security. What's the rational way to withdraw without leaving a regional conflagration and a terrorist "feedlot" in our wake is a more important question than when to withdraw. There's no question we've lost, insofar as Bush's mysterious strategy and aims go, but does the whole rest of the world have to lose with us?

It's a whole lot easier to say bring them home no matter what follows


Nobody is saying that. Not Clark. Not Juan Cole. Not Howard Dean. Nobody.





What's the rational way to withdraw without leaving a regional conflagration and a terrorist "feedlot" in our wake is a more important question than when to withdraw.



Yes, that's the question. That's the question the president needs to answer. If the best way to ask that question is to not use the word "withdraw", fine. But ask the damned question.



This whole question of how we describe the process of disengagement from Iraq, whether as a political question or as a policy question, is an enormous distraction from the issue at hand.



What's the plan? What's the plan for the Iraqis standing up? Juan Cole has one, that involves withdrawing first from the urban areas and providing armored and air support to Iraqi forces. What's the president's plan for standing up? What's Biden's?



THAT'S the question. Politically, asking it points out the president's failure, but I don't really care about the politics. We've gotta disengegage while minimizing the additional damage done to Iraq, and to ourselves as part of that process of disengagement. American disengagement has to happen as soon as it possibly can under that constraint.



The need to disengage is something that everyone agrees on. It's time to stop arguing about it.

I think the Bush plan is to tread water until January 2009, then whoever comes into power will have to face the inevitable and withdraw and take the blame for "losing Iraq"
If a Democrat wins in 2008 of course it will be easy for the right to blame them; if a Republican wins they will still find a way.

The Dems should say that Bush's invasion of Iraq succeeded in overthrowing Saddam and getting them started, but now it is up to the Iraqi people to solve their own problems, and our presence is making that less rather than more likely.  Moreover, Katrina shows that we have urgent needs at home.  Propose that we announce that after the Oct 15 vote on the constitution, we will begin withdrawing from urban areas and rotating troops home.  Propose that we announce that we want no permanent bases in Iraq, and that Iraqis must manage their own oil reserves.  Say that if Bush wants to stay indefinitely and establish permanent bases, he must say so, put adequate amounts in the budget (and provide adequate revenue) to accomplish those things and explain exactly what it would take to begin withdrawing troops. 

 I don't believe Clark's answers were at all contradictory. We can certainly have failed at achieving a pluralist democracy, but keeping the troops there may still be necessary to prevent a conventional civil war which would be much worse. Most of the advocates of calling it a day don't seem to grasp how much worse it could be. Yes, it really could get nastier. Take a look at the Congo.

Admittedly, the rhetorical strategy of "before it's too late" is hyperbole of a sort that damages both Clark and Biden's credibility; a more accurate version might be "each day Bush fails to adjust his Iraq policy redefines the spectrum of probable outcomes for the worse."

Folks, I don't have a solution to the catastrophe that Iraq has become, but so far, the comments from the Democratic politicians have been disappointing.  I don't know how much worse Iraq would have to get for Joe Biden to come around to the idea that we are doing more harm than good.  


Whether or not people like politicians who "stay the course", this seems an insane policy for Iraq.  But if it's not to be "stay the course", then what is the policy to be?  Democrats will have to deal with this.  Believe me, the subject will come up in the 2006 elections.


Here's what I think: I don't know if most of the Democratic politicians are leaving me, or if I am leaving them, but we sure ain't together.

“When we’re doing more harm than good, then we’ll know when the window has closed,” Clark replied. “But we’re far from that point.”

Again, you see the problem. There's an
a priori commitment to not withdraw here, and the facts and intelligence are being fixed around the policy.

I don't see how Clark's position here reflects an a priori commitment.  Indeed, he seems to be invoking an empirical criterion:  "When we're doing more harm than good."  Or am I missing some argumentative shorthand here? 

It would have been interesting to hear him explain how one goes about assessing this, and then defend his own assessment.  But it is not at all clear that it is just something not subject to rational assessment, if that is what you meant.  Nor is it clear that Clark's assessment is flat wrong.

At least, it doesn't seem self-evident to me that the passage of a year (or any other arbitrary interval of time) necessarily dictates how such an assessment should come out. 

Stalemate, for instance, could well put one on the brink of failure (defined as doing more harm than good) indefinitely, with only the acknoweldgement that one is, in fact, stalemated keeping one just this side of the brink.  

Yet it is also imaginable that, throughout this long stretch of time, there exists a path out of stalemate--back from the brink--which path, however, is never taken.  I'm not currently asserting that this is the case in Iraq--just that there is no logical reason it could not be the case.

It's a different matter if what you are suggesting is that Clark said something about the situation in Iraq that minimized the challenge there, or exaggerated our capabilities for meeting it.  A claim of that kind (if correct) would better fit the gravity of your charge that Clark was, like the Bush admin, "fixing facts and intelligence around [his suggested] policy."

Or to put it another way:  You may be empirically correct that it is too late for us to achieve any better outcome in Iraq than we can get simply by leaving.  But this is an empirical judgment, not a question of logic. If there is any necessity in it, that necessity comes from the situation in Iraq (and the region), together with our will or capacity (or both) for dealing with that situation.

I think you would make your case more persuasively if you acknowledged that well-informed people of good will (and no, I do not mean George W. Bush) can honestly come to different judgments about this, and then contested them on the substance of those judgments, rather than trying to rule the latter out of bounds on (dubious) logical grounds.


The thing to remember is that we will have to begin withdrawing troops in short order, whether anyone calls for withdrawal or not. We do not have a real choice in the matter. Having Democrats calling for withdrawal does give the administration some political cover, as they may say something like, "we could have won the war, except those nasty Democrats undermined the war effort." Indeed, we are already seeing versions of this. Democrats may either try to appear tough, like Biden, and try to give the impression that they are behind the war, but critical of its prosecution. Or they can just say the whole thing was a mistake, they were misled, our troops died in vain. I can't tell you which is more politically effective, though I know which is in accordance with reality.

Failure is what is happening now. It is slow-motion failure, but nothing like a victory. I would define catastrophic failure as the creation of a de facto autonomous terrorist state consisting of some part of what we presently call Iraq, from which another large-scale terrorist attack is launched on the U.S. What will we do then? Re-invade?

"Again, you see the problem. There's an a priori commitment to not withdraw here, and the facts and intelligence are being fixed around the policy."


Clark isn't making policy.


He's not dispatching troops.  He's not withdrawing troops.  He's not doing anything with troops.


As the GOP has been fond of repeating the past few years, we only have one President.  Nobody outside of the administration has anything to do with our Iraq policy.  


You are free to ignore that simple truth, but it will leave your analysis of the Democrats' positioning on Iraq woefully off the mark.


"This isn't a serious way to think about issues."


You're entirely correct.  But the way you've been addressing Iraq post-Sheehan isn't a serious way to think about politics.

mexdem, you sum up my feelings pretty accurately.  It's not just counter productive to set a timeline for withdrawal -- but also counter productive to define publicly what the signs are that it's "too late". It'd be telling the insurgents exactly what they have to aim for.

The two people I think have been voices of reason on this whole iraq issue still say there's more to lose by getting out immediately than by changing the course and trying to stabilise the situation. And that's good enough for me.

Wesley Clark (as Kat points out elsewhere on this thread, he's been right with Iraq predictions all along and he's got the career qualifications to judge) says the price of early withdrawal would be regional conflagration and so does Juan Cole who follow Iraq for Iraq's sake, not Iraq for US elections sake.

Sometimes I think Democrat supporters in the US are more interested in winning an election out of this war than minimising the very serious damage that's being done on a global level from the iraq blunder. Well, sorry, the election you should've won on this war was the last one but you couldn't even stand a candidate who was against it. Grrrr.

Invading Iraq was always wrong. It was morally wrong because it was based on a lie. It was strategically wrong because of the potential for destabilising a part of the world so many of us depend on. 

Morally, it can't be salvaged, but strategically the damage can be minimised. And many, many countries have a stake in keeping the lid on regional conflict. a real leader, as mexdem says, could leverage this.

Of course I doubt Bush will. But don't say that those, like Clark and Cole, who believe more can be done, are being politically naive. They're trying to think further ahead than the next US election and some of us out in the wider world appreciate that. The fact that they won't publicly define what "time to get out looks like" is not enough to undermine their credibility for me. Sorry if you can't make an election bumper sticker out of it.

Biden, well, I'm sick of hearing what US Senators have to say about these things. They had their chance to do something about it.









The need to disengage is something that everyone agrees on. It's time to stop arguing about it.

Yes, and then the question becomes, how much time are we willing to put into disengaging? At this point, the answer still is as much time as it takes, if we are to meet the qualifications we've set for a rational withdrawal, because there is just no way we can leave as conditions stand. It's too mortally dangerous for everyone on earth. That's why Cole's plan and Clark's plan, and even Feingold's flexible-end timeline and Krepinevich's military plan, have to be events-driven and not time-driven. It doesn't mean "stay the course" and it doesn't mean stay forever, but it does mean taking steps to change the direction and seeing it through at least to a settlement of some kind. This is why Clark's diplomacy piece is critical to working the military and political pieces. I don't really know about Biden's plan, if he has one. I'll have to look into it. Then again, it's Bush's plan that matters, since he's the only one who can actually do any of it.

You call it "seat of the pants."  I suspect the Administration would cal it "keeping our options open."  And from the military's standpoint, establishing bases -- who knows whether, ultimately, we may have to give them up -- isn't a real problem.

N.B.  Bases built for the purpose of supporting Iraqi counter-insurgency efforts can be seamlessly converted into bases supporting Iraqi national defense, that is, supporting Iraq's interest in protecting its sovereignty in an unstable neighborhood.  Afterall, we've got to find something to replace our client Saddam (too bad he went off the reservation, n'est-ce pas?).

Bush is president until January 20, 2009.

Ronp, you bastard.  I did not need to read that. 

Whether we should stay in Iraq or leave Iraq has nothing to do with whether we have succeeded or failed to accomplish some particular goal that some of our leaders might have set for themselves in the past.  We have to deal with the world as it currently exists.  The only questions should be questions such as: What are the various possible outcomes in Iraq that are still open?  Which combinations of US actions have the greatest expected value? etc.

In my own opinion, the main issue before us is what needs to be done to bring stability of some kind to what is left of Iraq, and to prevent this particular two and a half-year war from turning into decades of worse war - both in Iraq and the broader Middle East region.

There is a sickening lack of reality that has cast a pall over political deliberations.  It is as if most everyone decided at once that image over substance is the reality, therefore it isn't what a particular action means and its consequences, but depends on how well an idea will sell.  This concept perpetuates misrepresentation and leaves the citizens without a choice.  There is no choice when choices are based on lies.  There is no freedom when the information is false.

The error about Iraq was the acceptance of "elective/preemptive" war.  Elective war is murder.  Preemptive war is murder if the reasons for preemption are false.  It appears that no one wants to admit that a weakness in moral character brought on the war against Iraq.  The core reason for the attack against Iraq is that it was supposed be "easy."

No one bought the idea that a crippled third world country with no airforce to speak of, no navy, (land locked,) Vietnam era weapons, a superstitious and illiterate population, easily targeted communications and transportation infrastructure, poverty and hunger rampant througout the nation represented a threat to the U.S.  In fact early deliberations on the war were concerned that the U.S. attack against Iraq not appear to the world to be more than just a massacre, but would have been more aptly described as an
execution.

It is because of the unwillingness to appear to be a nation of murderers, no better than the terrorists of 9/11, no better than Jeffrey Dalmer and no better than the self-serving neo-cons who have been squatting in our government since 2000, that prevents democrats from having the courage to say they are against the sheer stupidity of painting ourselves into a corner, and the utter moral breakdown in the acceptance of murder as a style of foreign policy.

The allure of wars of attrition is that they expose the nation that chooses to act in such a way to international criticism, but as Vietnam should have taught the U.S. wars of attrition are unwinnable.

If a nation commits itself to war it should be all out war with the goal being to break the will of the enemy, civilian and soldier alike, (a wholesale massacre.)  If a nation is not willing to commit itself to the reality of war it should not substitute with its weaker method - a war of attrition.  Obviously there were many who felt that Iraq did not earn all out war, therefore they it was not a threat.

Yes, and then the question becomes, how much time are we willing to put into disengaging?



Yes, it certainly does. And, at this point, I think you can quite fairly say "give me an outside date." That's a date where it is inconceivable that staying there is a good idea. And I'd throw out, as Kevin Drum did, 2007. Whatever is going to happen, in terms of the establishment of states and elections and owning the oil and so forth will certainly be done by then.




That is, say you're Tim: "Surely, Senator, you're being unreasonable. The president has said there can be no timetable. By accusing him of being "indefinite" you're really just saying "give me a timetable."




"Well, Tim, you know and I know that the president certainly has timetables that he doesn't want to share with the American people, so we're forced to take him at his word. His word is that he plans to stay in Iraq indefinitely. But you're also correct that I can't say this without at least suggesting a date beyond which it is difficult to conceive that there are still tasks for US troops to accomplish. I'd say Christmas, 2007, is such a date. Does the president intend to stay longer than that? If so, he should say so."




You're also leaving out a second difficulty--what is meant by "disengagement" or "standing down." Does it mean a complete withdrawal, forsaking the "enduring" bases that are under construction?



Here (and this is where I think the "liberal hawk" problem really lies) we can't use Biden as our puppet. He, partly because he sees himself as president and sees them as his bases, and partly because he buys into this Metternichian notion of balance of power and force extension, wants those bases.



Without them, the war really was pointless, and he doesn't want that to be the case.



I think looking at it this way forces the issues of at least establishing an end date, and a decision on whether the US has long-term intentions of staying in Iraq.



The first issue is simply facing facts. The second is saying out loud what the plans really are. Dealing with both these issues is long overdue. The debate is about semantics and not substance because nobody wants to resolve those issues.

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