Bibi Breaks Ranks
We have reached the first test of Israel's disengagement from Gaza -- and it comes from the Israelis, not the Palestinians. Today, Benjamin "Bibi" Netanyahu -- former Prime Minister and most recently Finance Minister -- announced that he is challenging Ariel Sharon for chairmanship of the Likud (and, by extension, to be the party's candidate for the premiership).
Bibi hopes to tap into the huge disenchantment with disengagement among the 3,000 members of the Likud Central Committee -- who, like primary voters in the US, are more extreme than the rank-and-file -- and defeat Sharon as party leader, inevitably forcing early elections. (For an excellent run-down of the events that could lead to the fall of Sharon, go here).
Recent polling shows that Bibi has more than a good shot at winning the Central Committee vote (he led a poll taken last week, 47 percent to 30.5 percent), but it may be a Pyhrric victory. Sharon is significantly more popular among the general electorate, and most likely could beat Bibi (and a weak Labor candidate) in a general election match-up. All he needs is a party to do so. This, in turn, has raised the possibility of Sharon forming a centrist party with the pro-disengagement Likudniks, hawkish Laborites, and the secular Shinui party (which is now the third-largest party in the Israeli parliament).
While recent experiments with centrist parties led by venerable Israeli leaders have not fared well (the Center Party won 5 percent of the vote in 1999 and quickly dissolved into the political landscape), none of them have been led by a sitting, popular prime minister. And none have appeared at a time as tense as this one.
A few weeks ago, Michael Lind floated that idea that the US was undergoing an electoral realignment. Josh, myself, and others chimed in that this was the furthest thing from the case, and in fact, there was a good amount of stasis in US political system. To see what the conditions for realignment are: one can look to Israel. The Gaza disengagement has crystallized cleavages within Israeli society -- between religious and secular, or as Hirsch Goodman of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies put it on NPR this morning, between consolidationists and expansionists. The current political system does not accurately reflect these divides; there's a precipitating critical event (Gaza disengagement); and the personalities needed to lead people out of there long-standing partisan attachments are there. Realignment seems possible.
As a political scientist, the prospect of such a transformation in Israeli politics is exciting (political scientists' search for realignments is only rivaled in intensity by astronomers' search for extra-terrestial life). But the significance goes way beyond the academic.
The outcome of this next election in Israel will have a huge impact on the shape of the Middle East. Relying so much on the right wing of Likud, a Netanyahu victory would embolden the expansionist and religious elements within Israel, and leave the rest of the electorate that yearns for security and hopes -- but not naively -- for peace without a clear leader or even a clear partisan choice. As with disengagement, Sharon is, improbably and once again, the indispensable man.













Won't the Palestinians have a big say in the outcome of the Israeli election? Just as Arafat and his Intafada helped elect Sharon won't violence against Israelis between now and the elections play to Netenyahu's advantage?
August 30, 2005 10:11 AM | Reply | Permalink
>won't violence against Israelis between now and the elections play to Netenyahu's advantage
I hope and pray there will be no such violence.
Can anyone explain WHY Netanyahu is so popular? He never got a handle on terrorism, unlike Sharon who has reduced it by 75%. No one's voting Bibi for his magic economic touch, or for his scintillating personality. Why is it that seasoned veterans like Sharon and Peres, men with real achievements behind them, have to run scared from this puppy?
August 30, 2005 11:15 AM | Reply | Permalink
Somewhat like a Dementor, Bibi lives off of Israelis' fears. He very narrowly defeated Peres because, on the one hand, Palestinian terrorism led many Israelis to believe Peres was too soft while, on the other hand, unplanned civilian casualties during a reprisal action in Lebanon depressed the Israeli Arab voter turn-out (which would have gone to Peres).
After self-destructing in office, Barak easily defeated Bibi, who resigned from the Knesset. When the second intifada did in Barak, Bibi briefly tried to regain the Likud leadership but quickly deferred to Sharon.
Sharon's problem is that, having been mugged by reality, he is the leader of a party whose majority still lives in dreamland regarding Israel's ability to maintain rule over the Palestinians on terms acceptable to a majority of Israelis. Whatever the level of Palestinian violence, Bibi is likely to defeat Sharon for the Likud Party leadership because Bibi is more in tune with their politics and pays more attention to the party's corrupt "vote contractors."
Peres, for good reasons as well as bad, has never been able to sell himself to a majority of the Israeli voting public. His candidacy would be precarious against any opposition, and that assumes he remains Labor Party leader, something that now seems more possible with Ehud Barak calling on all the other candidates to withdraw in favor of Peres.
With Sharon running as leader of a new center or center-right party, however, it would seem that the only factor that could elect a Netanyahu coalition would be Palestinian violence once again convincing a majority of Israeli voters that there's no partner for peace and they need a (seemingly) strong leader.
For this reason, I disagree with the contention that the first test of the Gaza Disengagement comes from the Israelis. First, as a democracy highly sensitive to popular perceptions of chances for a secure peace, the result is likely to be a sort of referendum on Israeli perceptions of Palestinian behavior. Second, the earliest that Israeli elections are likely to take place is next March. The first test of the disengagement thus still will be on the Palestinian side, except it's even more complicated because Israeli conduct in the West Bank, particularly regarding the security fence doubtless will have an impact on the Palestinians and on the ability and willingness of the Palestinian Authority to control violence. My conclusion? The both sides are being tested simultaneously and interactively.
August 30, 2005 1:35 PM | Reply | Permalink