Plame, Labor and US Foreign Policy
I wish I could with glad heart join in the uber-patriotic horror that Karl Rove exposed the identity of a covert agent. Don't get me wrong: Rove is a professional political assassin. Destroying Plame's cover as a tool to discredit Wilson's revelations about the fake Niger uranium reports was despicable and Rove deserves to be fired for it. But that's a political crime and was evil because it helped Bush sell a war where tens of thousands of people have died.
But making a principle that exposing CIA agents is always wrong sticks in my craw given the history of the national security state's cloak-and-dagger destruction of democracy around the world, something I wrote about two years ago when the Plame affair first broke.
And this has relevance to our debate over the failures of the labor movement in the last few decades; I remember interviewing a Turkish labor leader a few years ago who talked about the US labor officials -- working with the CIA -- who collaborated with a Turkish dicatorship that wiped out the radical labor movement there in the 1980s.
It's hard to remember his description of being tortured in a Turkish cell for his labor activism and not think of all the other labor leaders around the world who the CIA helped torture or murder, often with the active collaboration of the AFL-CIO leadership during the Cold War. Not that many CIA officials no doubt acted honorably in their bailiwicks, but too many were part of the worst tendencies of American foreign policy.
Possibly the most significant failure of the US labor movement in the post-war era was its lack of solidarity with workers movements around the world, instead preferring a patriotic collaboration with the US national security state to ward off accusations of Communist sympathy. This was a short-term strategy that paid off with short-term returns for American workers, until corporate America decided it no longer had need for a junior partner in international affairs and turned on the labor movement with a vengeance in the 1970s and 1980s.
One of the great changes Sweeney made in coming into office was firing most of the old "AFL-CIA hands" and creating a new international center for labor organizing, which is now just beginning to help build the international solidarity it should have decades earlier. (See this article for more)
The Plame Affair and a chest-thumping defense of the sanctity of CIA secrecy has the danger of being seized on by progressives today as a talisman of their own War-On-Terrorism patriotism, much as the old AFL-CIO seized on its CIA ties to prove its anti-communism. Even as we know secret agencies are helping coordinate kidnapping, "renditions" and torture around the world, I just can't join in a florid dense of the sanctity of the CIA's secrets.
Again, the exposure of Plame is to be condemned, but because the political motivations were tainted and the purpose was to perpetuate lies on behalf of a ruinous war. The lives of covert agents are to be valued, but no more and no less than any other lives sacrificed by the political cynicism of this administration.
The 1982 law which we are debating so fervently was, at least partially, designed to protect the identity of those assisting dictorships and helping to torture labor activists like those in Turkey. It might be sweet irony to see the Bush administration pilloried on these rightwing security state rules, but I can't with a straight face make violating that law the core sin by which to judge the administration.
The crime here is the lies told to sell the Iraq War, the deaths and chaos that resulted, and the hatred around the world our actions have engendered. It might not be as cleancut a case as a nice legal indictment, but it's the principled argument to make and it's a solider base for long-term progressive organizing, both at home and abroad.












Comments (7)
I commented more or less along these lines before, though not as eloquently and without knowing about the labor abuses. We ought to remember that the Plame affair is important not so much in itself, but as a means to take down Rove. It's like busting Al Capone for tax evasion.
Also, it's good to see that someone still remembers that "terrorism" is spelled with an I-S-M.
July 18, 2005 7:36 AM | Reply | Permalink
Unless I'm misremembering, Valerie Plame's CIA work was on the anti-WMD-proliferation beat. Torturing overseas labor leaders was down the hall.
One doesn't need to endorse the CIA's unlovely history of undermining foreign progressives to in order to sympathize with the project of keeping tabs on loose weapons of mass destruction. Indeed, this seems like exactly the sort of thing an American intelligence service ought to be doing.
July 18, 2005 7:38 AM | Reply | Permalink
July 18, 2005 7:55 AM | Reply | Permalink
Amen--and thanks for posting this. Not that this would bother Karl Rove, but as Alex Cockburn points out in the Nation, what if Valerie Plame were on the CIA "task force" that was working on the Hugo Chavez "problem." Who does not believe that CIA operatives are up to their eyeballs in the current repression of trade union leaders in Columbia.
July 18, 2005 9:45 AM | Reply | Permalink
Right on!
And for a recent reminder of IIPA, "a solution in search of a problem," Richard Welch, William Casey, and Philip Agee, look here.
July 18, 2005 10:41 AM | Reply | Permalink
Regarding what you refer to as "the principled argument," see Frank Rich's op-ed in the NY Times in which he argues that this isn't about the CIA, it is about the uranium (i.e. the justification for war).
July 20, 2005 6:42 AM | Reply | Permalink
I've nothing at all against Valerie Plame, but where is the evidence that she or anyone in the CIA has done any good controlling proliferation of WMD?
July 21, 2005 7:56 AM | Reply | Permalink