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Words and Deeds

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The posts by Anne-Marie and John on how George W. Bush has abandoned the war on terrorism for the fight for freedom brings to mind a question:  What matters more, what the White House says or what it does?

Anne-Marie ably points out just how much the president’s rhetoric has changed since mid-2003.  The administration wasn’t beating the drums about “the global democratic revolution” in the run-up to the Iraq War.  As Doug Feith, one of the poster boys for neo-conservatism, told Nicholas Lemann of the New Yorker on the eve of the war, “Would anybody be thinking about using military power in Iraq in order to do a political experiment in Iraq in the hope that it would have positive political spillover effects throughout the region?  The answer is no.”  And John is surely right that the White House changed its talking points because Iraq turned out not to have vast caches of weapons of mass destruction.  In contrast, a call to fight for freedom is always hard for Americans to knock.  Just ask John Kerry.

But as Ivo suggested in his original post, the administration hasn’t changed its policies to correspond with its rhetoric.  George W. Bush seemingly agrees.  When his second Inaugural Address triggered talk that he was putting the country on a new course, he called a press conference to say that “my inaugural address reflected the policies of the past four years.” 

Mr. Bush’s supporters—and many of his first-term critics who want to believe he has embraced the cause of democracy—nonetheless insist that something has changed.   They point to the scolding he delivered to Vladimir Putin about Russian de-democratization, and they note to the creation of the State Department Office of Reconstruction and Stabilization to help the “world’s newest democracies make the transition from peace and freedom and a market democracy.” 

Putin’s scolding was gently delivered, however, and oil prices rather than democracy dominated discussions during Crown Prince Abdullah’s recent visit to Crawford.  The White House was restrained in its comments on recent events in Uzbekistan.  Yes, Bush did announce last month that he was requesting $24 million so that the Office of Reconstruction and Stabilization can create a new Active Response Corps to “deploy quickly to crisis situations as ‘first responders.’” But some perspective is in order:  Last year Senator Charles Grassley persuaded Congress to appropriate $50 million to build an indoor rain forest in Coralville, Iowa

[Full Disclosure:  I lived for twelve years in neighboring Iowa City and would have been delighted to have a local rain forest to visit in, say, January.]

Of course, changing rhetoric while sustaining policies is nothing new in Washington.  Richard Nixon talked of negotiation while he intensified the Vietnam War.  What separates George W. Bush from his predecessors is how often—and how well—he plays this gambit. He did it on climate change with a major speech in June 2001 that granted that global warming was real but declined to do more than study the problem.  In September 2002, he granted his critics’ contention that “weak states, like Afghanistan, can pose as great a danger to our national interests as strong states”; we are still awaiting his plan to strengthen weak states.  Earlier this week he called the current situation in Darfur "genocide," but said nothing about taking more forceful steps to stop the killing.

So don’t be surprised that President Bush in his second term ignored the NPT Review Conference.  Or that he withdrew the United States from the optional protocol to the Geneva Convention on Consular Relations.  Or that he proposed to cut funding for the U.S. Agency for International Development’s global democracy fund and the State Department’s global human rights and democracy fund.  Or that he nominated John Bolton to U.S. ambassador to the United Nations.  Continuity rather than change dominates his presidency.  And when it comes to understanding the Bush administration, the rule is to note what it says but then watch what it does.  


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Interesting post.

Since few in the media are willing to call the Bush administration on the mismatch between words and deeds,  it's a win-win for the White House.  They can talk the talk of freedom on the march while walking the walk of realpolitik with the most dubious/odious alliances -- and get away with it.

Granted, some prominent democrats have begun to question our friendship with Mr. Islam "I boil my opponents" Karimov. But Laura Bush just had a lovely outing in Egypt, which reassured the American  public that Mubarak is on our side in the marching freedom business, never mind the pro-democracy demonstrators being assaulted on the streets of Cairo. 

I wonder what the long term cost of the gap between words and deeds will be? While some "democracy" activists -- such as those in Egypt who understandably flavor their political discourse with a healthy dose of criticism for American policy  -- reject overtures from Bush regarding freedom and democracy building as dubious, others are more hopeful. Expectations, and the earnest belief that change will only come through a freedom bringing America mobilized by political will, are being raised in various places. That is, some (and some may not be all that many) people on the ground, where I live in the Persian Gulf for example, fully expect Bush to match words and deeds.

What happens when they realize that the U.S. under Bush possessed no real intent to fundamentally change U.S. policy (i.e. by abandoning authoritarian partners and promoting real reform) and their hopes are dashed?

For many, the mismatch will only prove what they already knew to be true and have been saying. But the consequences of bringing everyone else around to the same gloomy conclusion will not be good.

And now Rumsfeld has rubbed the nose of China in its lack of democracy.

I'm all in favor of calling the Bush administration on the distance between its words and its deeds. The gap is often wide as a chasm. On the other hand, what distinguishes this administration from some others (the first Clinton administration, but not the second) is its willingness, at least on occasion, to put blood and treasure on the line in accordance with its rhetoric. This has also been a distinguishing feature of the Blair administration's foreign policy.

The tendency also seems to be impacting the UN. Did I read that UN peacekeeping forces in the Congo actually used their guns on rebels not abiding by the imposed truce? I'm impressed. But it wasn't long ago that Serbs slaughtered thousands of Muslims in Bosnia while the peacekeepers did nothing. 

 What good is it to say you know tyranny to be the perfect breeding ground for the growth of terrorist movements, and then you refuse to lift a finger to shut the tyrannies down, or at least to push them to evolve?

 

 

 

The world press has called Bush on the inconsistencies in what is said and US actions.  The US press, either being "patriotic" or not wanting to be labeled as "liberal", has given Bush a pass on the issue.  On the inconsistencies in words and deeds of this Administration the press has been very consistent in under reporting the story.

perhaps not this particular kind of mismatch, but the general trend is the same all over the world, and America is no exception.

Ultimately, the willingness of the average voter to use their (nation's) blood and treasure to help some people in a faraway place, which he/she never will meet, which look different and which have all sorts of problems that are at times hard to understand is very limited. That's ok.

From this springs a foreign policy, which, with few exceptional phases of isolationism and excessive concern for foreign affairs is essentially the same the world over. Short term interests of the home country before long term interests before the interests of friends that don't happen to fall under the first two points before some idealistic goals. And that's ok, too.

Bush is IMHO not really an exception in this regard. The gap between words and deeds is probably wider in his case than usual, but on the other hand I have less doubt that his rhetoric is motivated by making people feel good about themselves (and thus about him). IMHO he actually believes what he is talking about (which in this case IMHO is actually a very bad thing).

That said, the Saudis and Karimov are two very visible instances that demonstrate the mismatch, and as such association with them in public is just bad politics and ought to be criticised as such. But the call for a (foreign) policy where words and deeds match is IMO unpersuasive since the average voter does not expect anything different. I'd even say it is dishonest itself, in that the average voter almost certainly would not be willing to pay the price if his country actually followed through on the noble goals he loves to associate himself with.

How will the administration's neoWilsonian rhetoric influence or complicate the United States' relationship with Latin American nations in the years to come, particularly but not exclusively with Venezuela?

and; 

A naive question: What would be the consequences for Israel if democracy really did sweep through the Middle East?

I agree, John, and I've posted an extended response at WiredOpinion.com.

I'd love anyone's thoughts, please. Thanks!

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